CHARLES Thomas, one of the Mthwakazi Liberation Front (MLF) leaders facing treason charges, has told a High Court judge that he was brutally assaulted by police as they tried to force information from him.“For more than two hours I was severely assaulted by police officers at Entumbane Police Station who interrogated me about MLF. They only stopped when my wife
arrived at the charge office to see me,” Thomas told Justice Nicholas Ndou
on Wednesday. “Detectives from Law and Order section came to pick me and I was tied to a beam on the back of a truck as they drove to Bulawayo Central Police Station where I was subjected to further beating until my face was swollen and I started bleeding from the mouth.
“I told them I was on medication but they denied me access to my tablets for four days despite the fact that my wife had brought them to the police station until a magistrate ordered that I be taken to hospital. ”Thomas also alleged that police forced him to drink volumes of water which they would take turns to bring in five-litre containers as part of the torture.
The prosecution team of Lovack Masuku and Samuel Pedzisayi insist
that Thomas was seen by detectives distributing anti-government fliers but
he denied saying “they were liars.” Thomas’ lawyers Advocate Lucas Nkomo assisted by Robert Ndlovu maintain that he never tried to provoke mutiny or street protests to overthrow the government.
Another MLF leader John Gazi was acquitted in December while their
leader Paul Siwela is in self-imposed exile, believed to be Sweden. It is alleged that between March 1 and 3, 2011, the MLF leaders acted in common purpose and conspired to incite Zimbabweans to rise against the government.
Police alleged that Thomas distributed fliers which contained messages
calling on members of the public and the army to rise against the government.
The trial continues on Thursday.
Aliqunywe Mthwakazi...
Thursday, 23 January 2014
Sikhanyiso Ndlovu drunk of Zanu PF bootlicking.
Article by David Magagula
M.L.F is not surprised by the so called
Dr Sikhanyiso Ndlovu's vitrol speared
on the people of Mthwakazi in general
and the organizers of the gukurahundi
commemoration in particular.
When he says the people of Mthwakazi,
by commemorating or condemning
gukurahundi, are opening wounds, he
must have been dreaming with his eye
wide open because Zanu PF never
apologized and thus they never closed
those wounds. Secondly, what is it that
pains him if the wounded himself rubs
salt on his/her wound?
One wonder how this " doctor"
reasons if he fail to realize that the
human nature refuses to forget a
happening of gukurahundi"s pedigree,
while the remains of the victims still lie
all over the place and in mass grave
and the perpetrators still walking free.
It must only be "doctor" Sikhanyiso
and those who remained behind in
Zanu when Dabengwa and company
realized the colonial Shonas were not
honest, sincere and did not really need
company from Mthwakazi, who
believed the wounds had healed and
need not opening. The "doctor"
further dreams that people should
concerntrate on "nation" building,
unity and development of the country.
First he appears to be so far removed
from the reality that these colonial
Shonas/Zimbabweans are advancing
minute by minute taking every space in
Mthwakazi, looting industrial
machinery and even forcing
indeginous Mthwakazi people to speak
their language. Yet Sikhanyiso speaks
of "nation" building or is it how they
build a nation in Harare. When he
further hallucinate about the revival of
industries, it show how much shallow
minded this "doctor" is, not realizing
that the government that he has
served in the 34years of it rule of the
so called Zimbabwe as a high ranking
official is bent on de-industrializing
Mthwakazi. I wonder if "doctor"
Sikhanyiso can avail himself to
comment on how many youths of
Mthwakazi have benefited from his
Zanu"s youth empowerment program
and how many Zimbabweans or
Mashonalanders have benefited from
the same program. So who does he
want to smear the mud for the lack of
development of Mthwakazi if he
doesn"t provide for the development
he expect to see taking place in
Mthwakazi. That alone leaves one
bewielders as to how does he expect,
Bulawayo, Bietbridge, Gwanda, Gogwe,
Gwelu, Plumtree, Nkayi, Lupane,
Tsholotsho, Wankie,Binga, Victoria Falls
e.t.c when his government is serving
and purporting to represent plans on
daily basis to strangle Mthwakazi of all
her resources, human, minerally and
and financially. Sikhanyiso must
understand that the unity that he refers
to a plaster that he purports to join
forever Zimbabwe and Mthwakazi, by
His Excellency Joshua Nkomo, only
served to stopping the cold blooded
killing of the people of Mthwakazi by
his(Sikhanyiso) party (Zanu) sponsored
gukurahundi and nothing else.
Sikhanyiso like we all know, knows that,
that unity was never and will never be
practical in our lifetime and that of
hundreds of generations to come.
May we tell "Dr" Sikhanyiso in his own
isindebele language that, " inkukhu
ingaze ibenhle kanjani, eKhozini
iyinyama kuphela". "Lawe ke kaNdlovu
loba ungazi sikela e hwahweni kanjani,
emaShoneni ubizwa ngenyoka, into
efanele ukuchobodiswa ikhanda".
"Hamba ukhangele i1979 Grand Plan
eyabhalwa yilowo leqembu lakho
iZanu, osithethisela yona eyiyo
eyabulala abantu bakithi ngaphandle
kwecala". "Hlala wazi ukuthi kubo
ufana lejazi loMkhwenyana nxa bebona
ukuthi sebekusebenzise kwanela
bazokulahla kuphela noma bakubulale
ngoba kuyilokho abazikufanele umuntu
wako Mthwakazi".
Sikhanyiso we would not have done
you any justice if we failed to remind
you that, Sydney Donald Malunga,
again in your isiNdebele language, "
Unganatha umsobho weZanu
awulungi". Ngalokho ngeke ulunge
Sikhanyiso ngaphandle uze ulungiswe.
We would like to remind you
Sikhanyiso that we are fully aware of
your aspirations to be Zanu PF's next
chairperson, yet another day light
dream kaNdlovu. When is it going to
dawn to you and your colleagues to
realize that you are in a foreign
Zimbabwean party on your own
accord and you do not represent the
interests of the people of Mthwakazi.
As a government minister and a
Politiburo member, can you tell the
people to say you represent what has
been your contribution towards the
development of "Matebeleland" from
the day you resumed that office to
date. What have you as an individual
done about the pot holes on the road
of your home town Bulawayo alone?
Can you point us to the development
that has been brought about by your
Zanu in 34years of its colonial rule of
Mthwakazi?
The people of Mthwakazi are tired of
the people like you continued
attachment of them with Zimbabwe for
your personal gains. You should
concerntrate on reminding your
Mugabe that although due to old age,
he is about to go and meet all those
souls he deprived of life on earth. Be
warned Sikhanyiso not to cross lines,
lest you die a sorry man like Enos
Mzombi Nkala.
Finally, May we make it known that as
M.L.F, we are fully behind Pastor Pius
Ncube, Hon Moses Mzila Ndlovu, Mr
Mbuso Fuzwayo and iBhetshu likaZulu
and all those who strive to serve the
interests of the people of Mthwakazi in
whichever case. And may it be known
by the likes of Sikhanyiso Ndlovu,
Robert Mugabe, Emmerson
Munangagwa, Perence Shiri, Chiwenga
and many more that we are not going
to rest until justice for gukurahundi is
done and the victims are given decent
burial . Sour or sweet to you, we are
going to force it happen.
Mthwakazi, from Beitbridge to Binga,
Plumtree to Qweqwe, we fully support
you and call upon you to remain
resolute and steadfast for these
genociders have to face the music even
if it takes longer than expected.
Alikathethwa Lihlezi eCourt
Alikathethwa. Vuka Mthwakazi Vuka.
M.L.F is not surprised by the so called
Dr Sikhanyiso Ndlovu's vitrol speared
on the people of Mthwakazi in general
and the organizers of the gukurahundi
commemoration in particular.
When he says the people of Mthwakazi,
by commemorating or condemning
gukurahundi, are opening wounds, he
must have been dreaming with his eye
wide open because Zanu PF never
apologized and thus they never closed
those wounds. Secondly, what is it that
pains him if the wounded himself rubs
salt on his/her wound?
One wonder how this " doctor"
reasons if he fail to realize that the
human nature refuses to forget a
happening of gukurahundi"s pedigree,
while the remains of the victims still lie
all over the place and in mass grave
and the perpetrators still walking free.
It must only be "doctor" Sikhanyiso
and those who remained behind in
Zanu when Dabengwa and company
realized the colonial Shonas were not
honest, sincere and did not really need
company from Mthwakazi, who
believed the wounds had healed and
need not opening. The "doctor"
further dreams that people should
concerntrate on "nation" building,
unity and development of the country.
First he appears to be so far removed
from the reality that these colonial
Shonas/Zimbabweans are advancing
minute by minute taking every space in
Mthwakazi, looting industrial
machinery and even forcing
indeginous Mthwakazi people to speak
their language. Yet Sikhanyiso speaks
of "nation" building or is it how they
build a nation in Harare. When he
further hallucinate about the revival of
industries, it show how much shallow
minded this "doctor" is, not realizing
that the government that he has
served in the 34years of it rule of the
so called Zimbabwe as a high ranking
official is bent on de-industrializing
Mthwakazi. I wonder if "doctor"
Sikhanyiso can avail himself to
comment on how many youths of
Mthwakazi have benefited from his
Zanu"s youth empowerment program
and how many Zimbabweans or
Mashonalanders have benefited from
the same program. So who does he
want to smear the mud for the lack of
development of Mthwakazi if he
doesn"t provide for the development
he expect to see taking place in
Mthwakazi. That alone leaves one
bewielders as to how does he expect,
Bulawayo, Bietbridge, Gwanda, Gogwe,
Gwelu, Plumtree, Nkayi, Lupane,
Tsholotsho, Wankie,Binga, Victoria Falls
e.t.c when his government is serving
and purporting to represent plans on
daily basis to strangle Mthwakazi of all
her resources, human, minerally and
and financially. Sikhanyiso must
understand that the unity that he refers
to a plaster that he purports to join
forever Zimbabwe and Mthwakazi, by
His Excellency Joshua Nkomo, only
served to stopping the cold blooded
killing of the people of Mthwakazi by
his(Sikhanyiso) party (Zanu) sponsored
gukurahundi and nothing else.
Sikhanyiso like we all know, knows that,
that unity was never and will never be
practical in our lifetime and that of
hundreds of generations to come.
May we tell "Dr" Sikhanyiso in his own
isindebele language that, " inkukhu
ingaze ibenhle kanjani, eKhozini
iyinyama kuphela". "Lawe ke kaNdlovu
loba ungazi sikela e hwahweni kanjani,
emaShoneni ubizwa ngenyoka, into
efanele ukuchobodiswa ikhanda".
"Hamba ukhangele i1979 Grand Plan
eyabhalwa yilowo leqembu lakho
iZanu, osithethisela yona eyiyo
eyabulala abantu bakithi ngaphandle
kwecala". "Hlala wazi ukuthi kubo
ufana lejazi loMkhwenyana nxa bebona
ukuthi sebekusebenzise kwanela
bazokulahla kuphela noma bakubulale
ngoba kuyilokho abazikufanele umuntu
wako Mthwakazi".
Sikhanyiso we would not have done
you any justice if we failed to remind
you that, Sydney Donald Malunga,
again in your isiNdebele language, "
Unganatha umsobho weZanu
awulungi". Ngalokho ngeke ulunge
Sikhanyiso ngaphandle uze ulungiswe.
We would like to remind you
Sikhanyiso that we are fully aware of
your aspirations to be Zanu PF's next
chairperson, yet another day light
dream kaNdlovu. When is it going to
dawn to you and your colleagues to
realize that you are in a foreign
Zimbabwean party on your own
accord and you do not represent the
interests of the people of Mthwakazi.
As a government minister and a
Politiburo member, can you tell the
people to say you represent what has
been your contribution towards the
development of "Matebeleland" from
the day you resumed that office to
date. What have you as an individual
done about the pot holes on the road
of your home town Bulawayo alone?
Can you point us to the development
that has been brought about by your
Zanu in 34years of its colonial rule of
Mthwakazi?
The people of Mthwakazi are tired of
the people like you continued
attachment of them with Zimbabwe for
your personal gains. You should
concerntrate on reminding your
Mugabe that although due to old age,
he is about to go and meet all those
souls he deprived of life on earth. Be
warned Sikhanyiso not to cross lines,
lest you die a sorry man like Enos
Mzombi Nkala.
Finally, May we make it known that as
M.L.F, we are fully behind Pastor Pius
Ncube, Hon Moses Mzila Ndlovu, Mr
Mbuso Fuzwayo and iBhetshu likaZulu
and all those who strive to serve the
interests of the people of Mthwakazi in
whichever case. And may it be known
by the likes of Sikhanyiso Ndlovu,
Robert Mugabe, Emmerson
Munangagwa, Perence Shiri, Chiwenga
and many more that we are not going
to rest until justice for gukurahundi is
done and the victims are given decent
burial . Sour or sweet to you, we are
going to force it happen.
Mthwakazi, from Beitbridge to Binga,
Plumtree to Qweqwe, we fully support
you and call upon you to remain
resolute and steadfast for these
genociders have to face the music even
if it takes longer than expected.
Alikathethwa Lihlezi eCourt
Alikathethwa. Vuka Mthwakazi Vuka.
Tuesday, 21 January 2014
Commemorating Gukurahundi
There are many things that Zimbabweans are still too scared to speak about in public and that the government is very keen to keep buried. But the most sensitive issue by far is Gukurahundi - the codename for a brutal military operation in Matabeleland in the 1980s that left over 20,000 civilians dead.
This is why the call by a pressure group, Ibetshu Likazulu, for President Mugabe to declare a public holiday on the 20th of January - the anniversary of the start of the massacres in 1982 - and for the government to compensate all the victims of Gukurahundi is so brave. And so forlorn.
President Robert Mugabe and his ZANU-PF government are not going to suddenly break the silence that they have imposed on Gukurahundi. They are not going to suddenly start talking about how the notorious North Korean-trained 5th Brigade carried out the massacres of thousands of people between 1982 and 1987 - dumping their bodies in mass graves or in abandoned mines.
Mugabe's government has always claimed that the operation was a legitimate means of crushing a rebellion by dissidents, who were mostly supporters of the opposition ZAPU. And Mugabe, himself, has steadfastly refused to apologise for the killings - or even to allow them to be discussed. He did call the operation a "moment of madness" at the burial of the ZAPU leader, Joshua Nkomo, in 1999 - whose decision to merge his party with ZANU in 1987 had brought an end to the massacres - but Mugabe has shown no desire to say anything else.
And there is no hope of any additional official inquiries. The government has already established two inquiries to 'investigate' the disturbances - one led by then chief justice Enoch Dumbutshena and another by lawyer Simplicius Chihambakwe - but their findings were never made public.
Instead, the government has used all its considerable powers to successfully keep a lid on the issue - intimidating and harassing anyone who tries to discuss Gukurahundi. The authorities are clearly hoping that silence will make people forget. But they are just fooling themselves because Zimbabweans still want answers - still want the truth.
"January 20th is the day when the Gukurahundi genocide started and it should be recognised with a public holiday and we also want the government to set up a fund to compensate relatives of people killed and injured during the massacres," said Mbuzo Fuzwayo, coordinator of Ibetshu Likazulu. "We are sending a petition to government with these demands and on 20th January this year we are holding a memorial service for the genocide in Bulawayo and some survivors will attend the event."
And it is critical for Zimbabweans to have open discussions about the Gukurahundi massacres as these would help to bring national healing and start to move the nation forward. Thirty years after Gukurahundi started, almost a quarter of the country's 13 million people are still angry and traumatised by the killings. Gukurahundi left thousands of families poorer and undermined the development of Matabeleland and Midlands provinces, which still lag behind other parts of the country. Thousands of people, who were born during that time, remain stateless as their parents were killed and they have no proof that they were born in Zimbabwe.
These people will not forget. But they are willing to try and move on. But for that, they expect the perpetrators to apologise and for the truth to come out. They also expect compensation from the state as they know very well that the government army was behind the massacres.
And it is very worrying that Mugabe and his allies still seem to believe that if Zimbabweans are allowed to openly discuss Gukurahundi it will merely open old wounds and cause an uprising. This is rubbish because Zimbabweans are peace loving people and only want the truth so that they can put the past behind them.
It is high time that Mugabe swallows his pride and sets up a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) on Gukurahundi as demanded by opposition MDC. South Africa created a TRC after apartheid and while it has many critics, it certainly shone a spotlight on some of the crimes of the past and helped to move the country forwards. In Zimbabwe, there can be no national healing and reconciliation if the truth about what transpired during Gukurahundi is never told.
It is very difficult for ordinary Zimbabweans to believe that there will ever be justice for the many other crimes against humanity that have taken place in our country, especially in relation to the bloody 2008 presidential election, if Gukurahundi remains clouded in secrecy - and if none of the perpetrators of the massacres are ever brought to book.
But the campaign by Ibetshu Likazulu shows that ordinary Zimbabweans are not going to give up. They might not talk openly about Gukurahundi but they will not forget and will not stop seeking answers to all the many outstanding questions. They will not get those answers any time soon but one day, they believe they will.
However, that might only be after President Mugabe is eventually buried in Hero's Acre. Maybe then we will start to talk about our collective Gukurahundi-inspired trauma. Only time will tell.
Aliqunywe Mthwakazi.....
Analysts urge fragmented secessionist parties to unite
The rise of secessionist political parties in Zimbabwe is a sign that successive governments have failed to address issues affecting the Matebeleland region, political analysts have said.
Numerous secessionist parties such as Patriotic Union of Matebeleland, Matebeleland Liberation Organisation (MLO) and Matebeleland Liberation Front (MLF) have been formed all with the same agenda, calling for the separation of the Mthwakazi State from the rest of the country.
On Saturday, another secessionist party, Mthwakazi Republic Party (MRP) was launched in Bulawayo, with its leaders promising to deliver on their promises to bring about an independent Mthwakazi State.
Dumisani Nkomo, a Bulawayo based political analyst believes these political parties have a right to call for a secession and it is a reflection of the hurt and the pain that people from the region feel.
"We should not deal with the symptom but the root cause why people are calling for secession. It means there is a serious problem in terms of marginalisation and exclusion. We have to interrogate some of the structural and economic reasons that cause people to call for secession," said Nkomo.
His view was supported by another political analyst, Anglistone Sibanda who opined that secessionist calls were justified as the people of Matebeleland have been disadvantaged for many years.
Sibanda said secessionist parties were important in the development agenda of the region although he was quick to point out that the feasibility of creating a new Mthwakazi state was achievable in the near future.
Another political analyst Methuseli Moyo described the secessionist calls as " dramatisation of the desperate situation of the people of Matebeleland."
"In their view these parties think it is a solution to the problems bedevilling Matebeleland and a way of attracting attention of the central government. Whether this will succeed we will just have to wait and find out," said Moyo.
The analysts said it was high time these parties spoke with one voice in order to realise the desired results.
"These parties are bound to fail if they are fragmented. We need united fronts at various stages and levels in terms of people who agree with each other ideologically. The machinery that is there is too big to be challenged by small parties," said Nkomo.
Mbuso Fuzwayo of Ibhetshu LikaZulu, a pressure group based in Bulawayo said: "There is strength is number. We would have appreciated if these parties join forces and spoke with one voice. We have noticed how most of these political parties are manipulated by powerful people with their own political agendas. Therefore, these parties must speak in unison so that their concerns are heard."
On why they were not joining forces with other like minded parties, MRP President Mqondisi Moyo said their party was unique and did not share any similarities with other political parties calling for secession.
"We are MRP, we are not MLF or any other political party, so we will not concern ourselves with what other political parties are doing," said Moyo.
Aliqunywe Mthwakazi
Numerous secessionist parties such as Patriotic Union of Matebeleland, Matebeleland Liberation Organisation (MLO) and Matebeleland Liberation Front (MLF) have been formed all with the same agenda, calling for the separation of the Mthwakazi State from the rest of the country.
On Saturday, another secessionist party, Mthwakazi Republic Party (MRP) was launched in Bulawayo, with its leaders promising to deliver on their promises to bring about an independent Mthwakazi State.
Dumisani Nkomo, a Bulawayo based political analyst believes these political parties have a right to call for a secession and it is a reflection of the hurt and the pain that people from the region feel.
"We should not deal with the symptom but the root cause why people are calling for secession. It means there is a serious problem in terms of marginalisation and exclusion. We have to interrogate some of the structural and economic reasons that cause people to call for secession," said Nkomo.
His view was supported by another political analyst, Anglistone Sibanda who opined that secessionist calls were justified as the people of Matebeleland have been disadvantaged for many years.
Sibanda said secessionist parties were important in the development agenda of the region although he was quick to point out that the feasibility of creating a new Mthwakazi state was achievable in the near future.
Another political analyst Methuseli Moyo described the secessionist calls as " dramatisation of the desperate situation of the people of Matebeleland."
"In their view these parties think it is a solution to the problems bedevilling Matebeleland and a way of attracting attention of the central government. Whether this will succeed we will just have to wait and find out," said Moyo.
The analysts said it was high time these parties spoke with one voice in order to realise the desired results.
"These parties are bound to fail if they are fragmented. We need united fronts at various stages and levels in terms of people who agree with each other ideologically. The machinery that is there is too big to be challenged by small parties," said Nkomo.
Mbuso Fuzwayo of Ibhetshu LikaZulu, a pressure group based in Bulawayo said: "There is strength is number. We would have appreciated if these parties join forces and spoke with one voice. We have noticed how most of these political parties are manipulated by powerful people with their own political agendas. Therefore, these parties must speak in unison so that their concerns are heard."
On why they were not joining forces with other like minded parties, MRP President Mqondisi Moyo said their party was unique and did not share any similarities with other political parties calling for secession.
"We are MRP, we are not MLF or any other political party, so we will not concern ourselves with what other political parties are doing," said Moyo.
Aliqunywe Mthwakazi
ZANU and PF ZAPU marriage bound to end post Mugabe
According to a reliable senior source within ZANU PF based in Bulawayo the former PF ZAPU and Matabeleland based ZANU PF members have been told unequivocal by some senior ZANU PF members from former ZANU that as soon as Mugabe is out of the picture the Nkomo and Mugabe "unity" will also be over.
The source indicates that Matabeleland based leaders have been told out rightly that they must not involve themselves at all in the Mugabe succession wars as they have nothing to do with ZANU PF.
"We were told point blank at a meeting in Harare recently that we are visitors in ZANU PF and so a visitor can not make any calls in a house he is visiting, we must just wait to be told what to do and where we are going to be put" said the source.
According to the highly placed source, the Matabeleland members are now regrouping and coming up with a contingency plan. Indications are that the members are seriously considering a mass defection to the Dumiso Dabengwa led new ZAPU PF.
The source says on the ground is also plans to revive what he calls a South - South relation that existed between Matabeleland and Masvingo Provinces.
The source further indicates that, the Matabeleland leadership proposed Dumiso Dabengwa to be appointed as Vice President in place of the late John Landa Nkomo an issue that has become a thorny ultimatum in ZANU PF's flesh.
Dabengwa is no longer a member of ZANU PF after quiting the party to revive ZAPU in 2006. According to the source, Dabengwa is viewed as the next and only powerful person that can manage to stand and defend the people of Matabeleland against the marauding former ZANU members within ZANU PF.
President Mugabe has of late made several public and private invitations to Dabengwa to rejoin ZANU PF.
Mugabe's call for Dabengwa's return to ZANU PF is reportedly angering the former ZANU members who want none of it and yet the former PF ZAPU members are backing the call.
The source was however quick to dismiss any chances of the Matabeleland grouping joining any of the MDC factions already in place particularly the Welshman Ncube faction.
He also however did not dismiss any possible working relations with the Ncube faction as they also favoured the Devolution of Power concept which he says the former ZANU members don't want to hear about.
"The only possibility is join Dabengwa's ZAPU or bring Dabengwa to lead us within ZANU PF except if a new real Matabeleland collective party is formed. We are for Devolution of Power and that's what our people want which our other collegues in ZANU don't want to hear about" the source indicated.
He however also indicated that there were some elements within the Matabeleland leadership who are "sitting pretty" and not keen at all to leave ZANU PF as they are hoping to be seconded to some "pappet positions" within ZANU PF.
"We have a few difficult elements within us who have benefited a lot in ZANU PF and are enjoying being used as porns, we will leave them there if they are comfortable with being used.
Nkomo wathi singene siphume singela daka (former Vice President Joshua Nkomo said we must enter into ZANU PF and come out clean) but some of us appear to be now stuck in the mud." closed the source.
There has been numerous uncalled for calls by some former PF ZAPU leaders in ZANU PF for people of Matabeleland to maintain unity in ZANU PF and forget about the Gukurahundi atrocities calling them unfortunate by gones.
Leading calls have been made by among others National Chairman Simon Khaya Moyo who has Vice Presidency ambitions and recently by former Mines Minister Obert Mpofu who once publicly declared to be President Mugabe's loyal son.
Adding voice to the call is forgotten former Education Minister Sikhanyiso Ndlovu who is said to be ear marking National Chairman post if Khaya Moyo becomes Vice President.
The source indicates that the former PF ZAPU members do not want any of the three to lead them as they question their liberation war credentials and never held any senior positions within PF ZAPU and the three have never shown any genuine interests in the causes of the people of Matabeleland.
Aliqunywe Mthwakazi.....
The source indicates that Matabeleland based leaders have been told out rightly that they must not involve themselves at all in the Mugabe succession wars as they have nothing to do with ZANU PF.
"We were told point blank at a meeting in Harare recently that we are visitors in ZANU PF and so a visitor can not make any calls in a house he is visiting, we must just wait to be told what to do and where we are going to be put" said the source.
According to the highly placed source, the Matabeleland members are now regrouping and coming up with a contingency plan. Indications are that the members are seriously considering a mass defection to the Dumiso Dabengwa led new ZAPU PF.
The source says on the ground is also plans to revive what he calls a South - South relation that existed between Matabeleland and Masvingo Provinces.
The source further indicates that, the Matabeleland leadership proposed Dumiso Dabengwa to be appointed as Vice President in place of the late John Landa Nkomo an issue that has become a thorny ultimatum in ZANU PF's flesh.
Dabengwa is no longer a member of ZANU PF after quiting the party to revive ZAPU in 2006. According to the source, Dabengwa is viewed as the next and only powerful person that can manage to stand and defend the people of Matabeleland against the marauding former ZANU members within ZANU PF.
President Mugabe has of late made several public and private invitations to Dabengwa to rejoin ZANU PF.
Mugabe's call for Dabengwa's return to ZANU PF is reportedly angering the former ZANU members who want none of it and yet the former PF ZAPU members are backing the call.
The source was however quick to dismiss any chances of the Matabeleland grouping joining any of the MDC factions already in place particularly the Welshman Ncube faction.
He also however did not dismiss any possible working relations with the Ncube faction as they also favoured the Devolution of Power concept which he says the former ZANU members don't want to hear about.
"The only possibility is join Dabengwa's ZAPU or bring Dabengwa to lead us within ZANU PF except if a new real Matabeleland collective party is formed. We are for Devolution of Power and that's what our people want which our other collegues in ZANU don't want to hear about" the source indicated.
He however also indicated that there were some elements within the Matabeleland leadership who are "sitting pretty" and not keen at all to leave ZANU PF as they are hoping to be seconded to some "pappet positions" within ZANU PF.
"We have a few difficult elements within us who have benefited a lot in ZANU PF and are enjoying being used as porns, we will leave them there if they are comfortable with being used.
Nkomo wathi singene siphume singela daka (former Vice President Joshua Nkomo said we must enter into ZANU PF and come out clean) but some of us appear to be now stuck in the mud." closed the source.
There has been numerous uncalled for calls by some former PF ZAPU leaders in ZANU PF for people of Matabeleland to maintain unity in ZANU PF and forget about the Gukurahundi atrocities calling them unfortunate by gones.
Leading calls have been made by among others National Chairman Simon Khaya Moyo who has Vice Presidency ambitions and recently by former Mines Minister Obert Mpofu who once publicly declared to be President Mugabe's loyal son.
Adding voice to the call is forgotten former Education Minister Sikhanyiso Ndlovu who is said to be ear marking National Chairman post if Khaya Moyo becomes Vice President.
The source indicates that the former PF ZAPU members do not want any of the three to lead them as they question their liberation war credentials and never held any senior positions within PF ZAPU and the three have never shown any genuine interests in the causes of the people of Matabeleland.
Aliqunywe Mthwakazi.....
We will never forget, NEVER NEVER....
We will never forget the treatment we received as from day one of Zimbabwe independence. It will always be in our hearts the killings of Matabeleland people during Gukurahundi, today they stop us from having memorials.
I would like to say to Mthwakazi this is your time to stand up and get your land back, Siwela is right wish i could meet him one day.
People were killed every night and day by Zimbabwean Government yet they claim that there is peace on land.
Mr Innos Nkala who was Home Affairs Minister by then, worked day and night with Mr Emmason Mnangagwa, Prime Minister Robert Mugabe, LG Nhongo Army Commander, Mutambara Brigadier General and many more made sure that they dint rest before their hearts were fully satisfied with blood of Matebeles, and when sun rises they claim to have unity with us.NEVER.
We saw and kept quite when PF Zapu members who were injured at war and Zambian camps were ill treated, it still pains us today to remember those heroes at LIDO in Byo, only Z$600.00 were given to them and that was it and thrown into an old building without proper sanitation, Electricity cut off, water shortage, Sewage blocked, no medicine etc. Our Leaders such as Lookout Masuku, Nyathi, Dabengwa and others fighting for Matabeles people such as these soldiers at LIDO were thrown in prison and detained by CIO and charged with Treason. The only companies that could help our fellow brothers at LIDO were closed down by Zim gov, companies ei, NITRAM, NET EGG, WOOD GLEN etc. A certain Lady Judy was said to be a security risk to the Government when she helped or visited our brothers of PF Zapu in prison.
If Mugabe and his Zanu PF decided to keep man like Masuku, Dabengwa, Nyathi in prison for many years and some died even after the highest court in the country found them innocent, what will stop them today from locking up people like John Gazi, Paul Siwela,and others or even kill them. In his letter Mr Siwela provided at court said he got a tip off that there was a plot of him to be killed, this wont surprise any Matabele people because this happened in the eyes of the world when some other leaders were killed and nothing was done, MINA i say where ever you are Mr Siwela never step your foot back to that land we all know what those people are capable of.
Mugabe in his words after 1985 elections said those who were not Zanu PF members will be rooted out of parliament and it happened sibhekile.
What pains me, the most is that some of our Matabele leaders ran to Mugabe when he threw few bones on his heels even after heavy detestation, killings and torture.
Today most of Matabele leaders were never given heroes status but i would like to say you never give someone status of hero, all what you have to do is recognize it only.
Most of all i would like to say Matebeles this your time when we still have people like Siwela who say to us lets stand up and take our Matabeleland back, ngithi Siwela, Gazi where ever you are we are behind you.
You will never ever run a nation on a slogan that says (PASI NE) / down with other people's views.
Ma ubuye uMthwakazi matabeles this is our time lets get our land back. May' hlome ihlasele madoda.
Article by Sipho Tshabalala
Aliqunywe Mthwakazi
I would like to say to Mthwakazi this is your time to stand up and get your land back, Siwela is right wish i could meet him one day.
People were killed every night and day by Zimbabwean Government yet they claim that there is peace on land.
Mr Innos Nkala who was Home Affairs Minister by then, worked day and night with Mr Emmason Mnangagwa, Prime Minister Robert Mugabe, LG Nhongo Army Commander, Mutambara Brigadier General and many more made sure that they dint rest before their hearts were fully satisfied with blood of Matebeles, and when sun rises they claim to have unity with us.NEVER.
We saw and kept quite when PF Zapu members who were injured at war and Zambian camps were ill treated, it still pains us today to remember those heroes at LIDO in Byo, only Z$600.00 were given to them and that was it and thrown into an old building without proper sanitation, Electricity cut off, water shortage, Sewage blocked, no medicine etc. Our Leaders such as Lookout Masuku, Nyathi, Dabengwa and others fighting for Matabeles people such as these soldiers at LIDO were thrown in prison and detained by CIO and charged with Treason. The only companies that could help our fellow brothers at LIDO were closed down by Zim gov, companies ei, NITRAM, NET EGG, WOOD GLEN etc. A certain Lady Judy was said to be a security risk to the Government when she helped or visited our brothers of PF Zapu in prison.
If Mugabe and his Zanu PF decided to keep man like Masuku, Dabengwa, Nyathi in prison for many years and some died even after the highest court in the country found them innocent, what will stop them today from locking up people like John Gazi, Paul Siwela,and others or even kill them. In his letter Mr Siwela provided at court said he got a tip off that there was a plot of him to be killed, this wont surprise any Matabele people because this happened in the eyes of the world when some other leaders were killed and nothing was done, MINA i say where ever you are Mr Siwela never step your foot back to that land we all know what those people are capable of.
Mugabe in his words after 1985 elections said those who were not Zanu PF members will be rooted out of parliament and it happened sibhekile.
What pains me, the most is that some of our Matabele leaders ran to Mugabe when he threw few bones on his heels even after heavy detestation, killings and torture.
Today most of Matabele leaders were never given heroes status but i would like to say you never give someone status of hero, all what you have to do is recognize it only.
Most of all i would like to say Matebeles this your time when we still have people like Siwela who say to us lets stand up and take our Matabeleland back, ngithi Siwela, Gazi where ever you are we are behind you.
You will never ever run a nation on a slogan that says (PASI NE) / down with other people's views.
Ma ubuye uMthwakazi matabeles this is our time lets get our land back. May' hlome ihlasele madoda.
Article by Sipho Tshabalala
Aliqunywe Mthwakazi
Monday, 20 January 2014
Biti suffering from a Zimbabwelitis induced falsehood celebration and tribal constipation
Yesterday Tendai Biti, Secretary-General of MDC-T, wrote an article in which he purported to pose a question. He asked: What is wrong with Zimbabwe?
For starters, that is no question at all. Thankfully, despite the rather misplaced industry of his article, Biti did not even purport to answer his non-question. How could anyone ever purport to pose a question of that nature about Zimbabwe in the first place? It's a tautological irrelevance! Beyond what it is – a mournful soliloquy – no one needs an article like that.
In the article Biti presents a raft of examples, supposedly false, to show how everything is wrong about Zimbabwe. The problem is that the examples he gives, and many others he doesn't, are all true, rather than false, and indicative of the true nature of Zimbabwe. In a rather ironic, if predictable way, therefore, given Biti's MDC-T pedigree, the article is a parody of itself, simultaneously mocking the truth and celebrating falsehood. As Zanu-PF, MDC-T are fidgety visitors to truth, and right.
Zimbabwe is a lie, and, unsurprisingly, from it such articles can come. Biti doesn't intend to lie, but does. After Gukurahundi, Biti can't pretend not to know the truth. He was on the wrong side of it, or ambivalent to it, when the Ndebele people, unarmed, stood up for it and defended it against Gukurahundi. Selective memory, and re-ordered truths, is the story of Zimbabwe. Biti's article betrays that. And in Zimbabwe, you fit in opposites, and quite comfortably too – a Gukurahundist now and a democrat later, and back again in reverse order.
We only need to peep through MDC-T's door to see this lie. It is the biggest falsehood of the 'democratization' and 'change' agenda, of which Biti is its chief executive, that lies and chest-beating are the sole domain of Zanu-PF. MDC-T, in particular, has miniaturized everybody and everything and relegated everybody and everything to unknowing minnows in the face of this all-knowing combine harvester called MDC-T harvesting 'democracy'. And as MDC-T grew inversely in relation to its electoral chances over the years, it bloated in tribal constipation to this Zanu-PF clone it is today.
And how could MDC-T condemn Mugabe for clinging to power, when its scandal-riddled leader, and a perennial loser at the polls, won't do the decent thing? But there again, it's not just Mugabe and Tsvangirai afflicted with Zimbabwelitis. A few years ago there was a fossil figure at EMCOZ, who if memory is correct, expired in post. Then there is Peter Chingoka, Lovemore Madhuku - now Job Sikala - and various permutations of them. This expanding list of Zimbabwe's self-made dynasties and carved fiefdoms belong to and speak to the bigger lie Zimbabwe is.
Gukurahundi was about mutilating truth, shaming decency, and elevating lies to the status of celebrated truth. We saw MDC-T true character at the 2005 split, in the abuse they heaped on Welshman Ncube, Gibson Sibanda and others, and in 2008, in their treatment of the Ndebele, when they erroneously thought they were now the party of government and distributor of patronage and cronyism. MDC-T has never opposed Gukurahundi on principle, but like Zanu-PF, has always embraced its political instrumentality. Indeed, at the height of their hubris, MDC-T even colluded with Zanu-PF to 'bury' Gukurahundi behind the facia of the so-called Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission Act.
So, if Biti needed to pose a question during his tantrum, it should be: What is Zimbabwe? Not his non-question!
Biti would have answered that question by saying that Zimbabwe is a lie.
He would then have acknowledged that it was his party's lie to itself and to the people of today's Zimbabwe, against all advice freely given and against objective truth, which made them sleep-walk itself into a phony referendum and a rehearsed election. And that it was his party's lie to itself and the people of present-day that made them go to bed with Zanu-PF in 2008, again, against all free advice and against objective truth. Having sanitized Zanu-PF for four years and recovered it from sure death, it was their lie to themselves and to the people of present-day Zimbabwe that they pretended not to know the outcome of the elections. After Biti and Morgan Tsvangirai, and many others, including, surprisingly, David Coltart and Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga, loaded Mugabe variously with fulsome praises, Biti can't turn around and not know what is wrong about today's Zimbabwe.
As a lawyer, and writing truthfully, Biti would know that the only true guarantor for truth is a constitutional order, not a constitutional document such as he and his party colluded to deliver, and that a constitutional order is premised on free public consent, and not privatized 'deals' of public power.
As a lawyer, and writing truthfully, Biti would know that it is Zimbabwe's false constitutional foundation that has always made Zimbabwe this enemy of the truth and decency, and this sand castle built by a holidaying family at a beach.
Biti would both historicize Zimbabwe and place it correctly in contemporary and constitutional and political thought. He would acknowledge Zimbabwe's faulted origins, and its accompanying treachery, and see the death of truth at that source. He would see Zanu-PF's treachery, in its formation and in its behaviour at the conclusion of the Lancaster House Agreement. He would understand Gukurahundi more fully.
Biti would see Zanu-PF as the party, not of liberation, but of stasis and reaction. He would see the instrumentality of Zanu-PF up to and until 1998. And he would understand why with the coming into being of a Conservative government, formally called a Coalition government in the UK, his party's political fortunes have waned and that of Mugabe and Zanu-PF have grown. He would understand Mugabe's invitation today for Zapu to 'rejoin' Zanu-PF.
But Biti would in the same vein understand the instrumentality of his own party, MDC-T, at the precise point of 1999, and why for over 14 years now, hi party's word has been sacrosanct and superior to everyone else despite his party's limited resources? The MDC-T gospel, in fact? He would understand why his own party's behaviour towards Welshman Ncube and others who stood by and defended the original 'ideals' of MDC, has no substantive difference to the behaviour of Mugabe and Zanu-PF to Joshua Nkomo and Zapu in the1980s.
And in seeking to align himself with truth this time, Biti would ask why it is that the drums of Ndebele independence have grown louder and stronger with every assertion of Zimbabwe as a 'unitary' State?
Why in fact calling the Ndebele Zimbabweans is like a hot meat pie chewed straight from the oven?
All these points and questions would make Biti understand why it is that a truth killed by Gukurahundi in Matebeleland and the Midlands in the 1980s can no longer be found elsewhere even in Mashonaland in 2014? Why, if one accepts Biti's sobbing for an exiled truth, he can't even find truth even in the private sphere? In fact, why he and his party have not only not listened to truth but despised it until 31 July 2013?
Lies in the public sphere, once started, can't be segmentalized to enemies only; it takes its own life and consumes everybody like a wild fire. Biti must mourn his part and his party's part in advancing the cause of lies and over-self-importance, and killing truth.
Perhaps until Mr Biti begins asking the truthful questions and begins hungering for the truth, he should confine his mournful reminisces about the recent elections to the private domain.
Written by Stella Msebele
For starters, that is no question at all. Thankfully, despite the rather misplaced industry of his article, Biti did not even purport to answer his non-question. How could anyone ever purport to pose a question of that nature about Zimbabwe in the first place? It's a tautological irrelevance! Beyond what it is – a mournful soliloquy – no one needs an article like that.
In the article Biti presents a raft of examples, supposedly false, to show how everything is wrong about Zimbabwe. The problem is that the examples he gives, and many others he doesn't, are all true, rather than false, and indicative of the true nature of Zimbabwe. In a rather ironic, if predictable way, therefore, given Biti's MDC-T pedigree, the article is a parody of itself, simultaneously mocking the truth and celebrating falsehood. As Zanu-PF, MDC-T are fidgety visitors to truth, and right.
Zimbabwe is a lie, and, unsurprisingly, from it such articles can come. Biti doesn't intend to lie, but does. After Gukurahundi, Biti can't pretend not to know the truth. He was on the wrong side of it, or ambivalent to it, when the Ndebele people, unarmed, stood up for it and defended it against Gukurahundi. Selective memory, and re-ordered truths, is the story of Zimbabwe. Biti's article betrays that. And in Zimbabwe, you fit in opposites, and quite comfortably too – a Gukurahundist now and a democrat later, and back again in reverse order.
We only need to peep through MDC-T's door to see this lie. It is the biggest falsehood of the 'democratization' and 'change' agenda, of which Biti is its chief executive, that lies and chest-beating are the sole domain of Zanu-PF. MDC-T, in particular, has miniaturized everybody and everything and relegated everybody and everything to unknowing minnows in the face of this all-knowing combine harvester called MDC-T harvesting 'democracy'. And as MDC-T grew inversely in relation to its electoral chances over the years, it bloated in tribal constipation to this Zanu-PF clone it is today.
And how could MDC-T condemn Mugabe for clinging to power, when its scandal-riddled leader, and a perennial loser at the polls, won't do the decent thing? But there again, it's not just Mugabe and Tsvangirai afflicted with Zimbabwelitis. A few years ago there was a fossil figure at EMCOZ, who if memory is correct, expired in post. Then there is Peter Chingoka, Lovemore Madhuku - now Job Sikala - and various permutations of them. This expanding list of Zimbabwe's self-made dynasties and carved fiefdoms belong to and speak to the bigger lie Zimbabwe is.
Gukurahundi was about mutilating truth, shaming decency, and elevating lies to the status of celebrated truth. We saw MDC-T true character at the 2005 split, in the abuse they heaped on Welshman Ncube, Gibson Sibanda and others, and in 2008, in their treatment of the Ndebele, when they erroneously thought they were now the party of government and distributor of patronage and cronyism. MDC-T has never opposed Gukurahundi on principle, but like Zanu-PF, has always embraced its political instrumentality. Indeed, at the height of their hubris, MDC-T even colluded with Zanu-PF to 'bury' Gukurahundi behind the facia of the so-called Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission Act.
So, if Biti needed to pose a question during his tantrum, it should be: What is Zimbabwe? Not his non-question!
Biti would have answered that question by saying that Zimbabwe is a lie.
He would then have acknowledged that it was his party's lie to itself and to the people of today's Zimbabwe, against all advice freely given and against objective truth, which made them sleep-walk itself into a phony referendum and a rehearsed election. And that it was his party's lie to itself and the people of present-day that made them go to bed with Zanu-PF in 2008, again, against all free advice and against objective truth. Having sanitized Zanu-PF for four years and recovered it from sure death, it was their lie to themselves and to the people of present-day Zimbabwe that they pretended not to know the outcome of the elections. After Biti and Morgan Tsvangirai, and many others, including, surprisingly, David Coltart and Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga, loaded Mugabe variously with fulsome praises, Biti can't turn around and not know what is wrong about today's Zimbabwe.
As a lawyer, and writing truthfully, Biti would know that the only true guarantor for truth is a constitutional order, not a constitutional document such as he and his party colluded to deliver, and that a constitutional order is premised on free public consent, and not privatized 'deals' of public power.
As a lawyer, and writing truthfully, Biti would know that it is Zimbabwe's false constitutional foundation that has always made Zimbabwe this enemy of the truth and decency, and this sand castle built by a holidaying family at a beach.
Biti would both historicize Zimbabwe and place it correctly in contemporary and constitutional and political thought. He would acknowledge Zimbabwe's faulted origins, and its accompanying treachery, and see the death of truth at that source. He would see Zanu-PF's treachery, in its formation and in its behaviour at the conclusion of the Lancaster House Agreement. He would understand Gukurahundi more fully.
Biti would see Zanu-PF as the party, not of liberation, but of stasis and reaction. He would see the instrumentality of Zanu-PF up to and until 1998. And he would understand why with the coming into being of a Conservative government, formally called a Coalition government in the UK, his party's political fortunes have waned and that of Mugabe and Zanu-PF have grown. He would understand Mugabe's invitation today for Zapu to 'rejoin' Zanu-PF.
But Biti would in the same vein understand the instrumentality of his own party, MDC-T, at the precise point of 1999, and why for over 14 years now, hi party's word has been sacrosanct and superior to everyone else despite his party's limited resources? The MDC-T gospel, in fact? He would understand why his own party's behaviour towards Welshman Ncube and others who stood by and defended the original 'ideals' of MDC, has no substantive difference to the behaviour of Mugabe and Zanu-PF to Joshua Nkomo and Zapu in the1980s.
And in seeking to align himself with truth this time, Biti would ask why it is that the drums of Ndebele independence have grown louder and stronger with every assertion of Zimbabwe as a 'unitary' State?
Why in fact calling the Ndebele Zimbabweans is like a hot meat pie chewed straight from the oven?
All these points and questions would make Biti understand why it is that a truth killed by Gukurahundi in Matebeleland and the Midlands in the 1980s can no longer be found elsewhere even in Mashonaland in 2014? Why, if one accepts Biti's sobbing for an exiled truth, he can't even find truth even in the private sphere? In fact, why he and his party have not only not listened to truth but despised it until 31 July 2013?
Lies in the public sphere, once started, can't be segmentalized to enemies only; it takes its own life and consumes everybody like a wild fire. Biti must mourn his part and his party's part in advancing the cause of lies and over-self-importance, and killing truth.
Perhaps until Mr Biti begins asking the truthful questions and begins hungering for the truth, he should confine his mournful reminisces about the recent elections to the private domain.
Written by Stella Msebele
Republic of Matabeleland Flag
Le yi flag yesizwe sika Mthwakazi. Kumele sibone ukuthi kungekafiki unyaka ka 2018 iyaphapha ezweni lakithi iThe Republic of Mathabeleland. Bangaphi ontanga (youth) Let's make this a dream come true. Sicela UNkulunkulu abusise ilizwe lakithi iRepublic of Matabeleland. Akuzenzo kungemazwi!
THE MEANING OF COLOURS. A) THE RED COLOUR Stands for the blood of our heroic forefathers who fought many battles to create our great Nation and State and gallantly fought to risist colonialism during the later part of nineteeth century. It also represents all who died during the war in Rhodesia and those who were dastardly killed by the Zimbabwe govornment for refusing to recognise the Zimbabwe State as is currently constituted. Since 1980 up to date our people have suffured much humiliation, Gukurahundi genocide, marginalisation and domination firstly by the British and now by Zimbabwe once more our people stand ready to claim their land and sovereignty and are ready to sacrifice for such a noble cause and establish The Republic of Matebeleland. B) THE SHIELD, SPEAR AND KNOBKERRIE The Matebele State had a standing army that was well above ten thousand by mid nineteeth century all able bodied men above the age of 18 years and single were consripted into the army. The army was made up of various battalions and spread through out the state. It also had the intelligence unit which had a seperate command structure from that of the army. The weapons used were spears and knobkerries and the shield used for cover during the fight. It was later that the guns were incorporated into the military arsenal of the army. The guns were part of the Rudd Consession between the British emperial agents and King Lobhengula. It is worthy to note that the British forces led by Major General Frederick Carrington failed to defeat the Matebeles during the Anglo- Matebele war of 1896 when the British Imperial forces were fighting using the Henry Martin rifles, maxim guns and machine guns while the Matebele fought using both the spear, knobkerrie and shield some regiments fought using the Henry-Martin rifles. The shield, spear and knobkerrie stand for courage, stoicism and sacrifice to the Matebele people. C)THE BLUE COLOUR The Matabele people have the folklore that they descend from the skies and are children of the stars where there is peace and stability. It was and still is recognised that the sky is blue and we get rains from above and that where there is no water there is no life. So the colour blue stands for stability, peace life and water whose combination projects progress and development. D) THE WHITE COLOUR When the white people arrived in Matebeleland, they were allowed by King Mzilikazi to marry black women and some married the King's daughters and when King Lobhengula sent his envoys to meet Queen Victoria, the emissaries her necklace and photo to Lobhengula. That represented mutual trust, co-operation and desire to bridges between the two races. The white colour stand for white people including the Arabic and Asianic nationals and and peace and we believe through mutual respect and co-operation we can build a better world where both black and white people including other races ie. Asianic Arabic etc. can live in harmony and share the, development, progress, stability and resources together. It is our intention to invite many white people to come and settle in our new Republic of Matebeleland and help to build our country and share the resources. The white colour also represents peace, development and progress and its our belief that both black and white in future Republic of Matebeleland will develop this state to be the future Singerpore of Africa. E)THE BLACK COLOUR The black colour represents all people of colour who commit themselves to be citizens in our Republic. Black colour represents authority, fareness, equality and justice according to Matebele beliefs. So all ethnic groups found in Matebeleland including the Shona people who reside in Matebeleland and desire to make it their permanent home are entitled to equal opportunities and duties like any other ethnic group found in Matebeleland Republic. We are aware that not all Shonas like what Mugabe is doing to the Matebeles. Further more we desire to live side by side in peace with the Republic of Zimbabwe as our neighbour and co-operating with each other in all areas of human endeavours and this would include all other neighbours.
Aliqunywe Mthwakazi....
THE MEANING OF COLOURS. A) THE RED COLOUR Stands for the blood of our heroic forefathers who fought many battles to create our great Nation and State and gallantly fought to risist colonialism during the later part of nineteeth century. It also represents all who died during the war in Rhodesia and those who were dastardly killed by the Zimbabwe govornment for refusing to recognise the Zimbabwe State as is currently constituted. Since 1980 up to date our people have suffured much humiliation, Gukurahundi genocide, marginalisation and domination firstly by the British and now by Zimbabwe once more our people stand ready to claim their land and sovereignty and are ready to sacrifice for such a noble cause and establish The Republic of Matebeleland. B) THE SHIELD, SPEAR AND KNOBKERRIE The Matebele State had a standing army that was well above ten thousand by mid nineteeth century all able bodied men above the age of 18 years and single were consripted into the army. The army was made up of various battalions and spread through out the state. It also had the intelligence unit which had a seperate command structure from that of the army. The weapons used were spears and knobkerries and the shield used for cover during the fight. It was later that the guns were incorporated into the military arsenal of the army. The guns were part of the Rudd Consession between the British emperial agents and King Lobhengula. It is worthy to note that the British forces led by Major General Frederick Carrington failed to defeat the Matebeles during the Anglo- Matebele war of 1896 when the British Imperial forces were fighting using the Henry Martin rifles, maxim guns and machine guns while the Matebele fought using both the spear, knobkerrie and shield some regiments fought using the Henry-Martin rifles. The shield, spear and knobkerrie stand for courage, stoicism and sacrifice to the Matebele people. C)THE BLUE COLOUR The Matabele people have the folklore that they descend from the skies and are children of the stars where there is peace and stability. It was and still is recognised that the sky is blue and we get rains from above and that where there is no water there is no life. So the colour blue stands for stability, peace life and water whose combination projects progress and development. D) THE WHITE COLOUR When the white people arrived in Matebeleland, they were allowed by King Mzilikazi to marry black women and some married the King's daughters and when King Lobhengula sent his envoys to meet Queen Victoria, the emissaries her necklace and photo to Lobhengula. That represented mutual trust, co-operation and desire to bridges between the two races. The white colour stand for white people including the Arabic and Asianic nationals and and peace and we believe through mutual respect and co-operation we can build a better world where both black and white people including other races ie. Asianic Arabic etc. can live in harmony and share the, development, progress, stability and resources together. It is our intention to invite many white people to come and settle in our new Republic of Matebeleland and help to build our country and share the resources. The white colour also represents peace, development and progress and its our belief that both black and white in future Republic of Matebeleland will develop this state to be the future Singerpore of Africa. E)THE BLACK COLOUR The black colour represents all people of colour who commit themselves to be citizens in our Republic. Black colour represents authority, fareness, equality and justice according to Matebele beliefs. So all ethnic groups found in Matebeleland including the Shona people who reside in Matebeleland and desire to make it their permanent home are entitled to equal opportunities and duties like any other ethnic group found in Matebeleland Republic. We are aware that not all Shonas like what Mugabe is doing to the Matebeles. Further more we desire to live side by side in peace with the Republic of Zimbabwe as our neighbour and co-operating with each other in all areas of human endeavours and this would include all other neighbours.
Aliqunywe Mthwakazi....
Paul Siwela interview with Lance Guma
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Nehanda Radio speaks to Paul Siwela
Lance Guma: Its being reported you have skipped the country in fear for your life and that there is a squad of people who have been assigned to kill you?
Siwela: Yes its true and on record too. The same government that preferred some treason charges against me is the same government that wants to assassinate me.
Guma: Some are claiming you have run away because the judgment was about to be passed and you did not fancy your chances of getting a fair judgment?
Siwela: I did not run away from the court case but assassination plot. The time I left the country it was not known when the High Court was going to sit, besides I immediately informed the authorities about my departure through the letter which is a court record now. So does that appear I was running away?
Given the situation I was in after reporting the assassination plot to the Zimbabwe Republic Police which was unsuccessful and sought protection which was denied what was I supposed to do?
Guma: Does this mean you will now be in exile until this regime is out of power?
Siwela: Time will tell
Guma: For those who are unaware of what you stand for politically, could you maybe remind us the ideals which you are fighting for?
Siwela: I am the leader of Matabeleland Liberation Organisation i.e. MLO which is fighting for the restoration of Matabeleland Statehood which was destroyed by the British colonial forces on 3 November 1893 and involuntarily joined Matabeleland with Mashonaland which had been colonised on 13 September 1890 to form Rhodesia the latter day Zimbabwe.
Remember Zimbabwe never existed before until 18 April 1980. The nation of Matabeleland has suffered genocide and gross human rights abuses since the day they lost their statehood up to date.
Zimbabwe is an apartheid state which discriminates people on ethnic and racial consideration and is a failed state given its human rights record, high appetite for corruption, genocide, huge and growing debt currently standing at US$11billion dollars and bad international reputation.
We are fighting for a democratic and independent Republic of Matabeleland which would be constitutional democracy where all its citizens shall be equal before the law with equal opportunities and obligations to the State and enjoy greater freedoms and better quality of life than in Zimbabwe.
Once again put a smile on the nation of Matabeleland which is diverse in its character. Discrimination of anyone on grounds of race or ethnicity shall be outlawed and be punishable.
Guma: What’s the status of your relationship with the Mthwakazi Liberation Front? What happened?
Siwela: You would be aware that I resigned from MLF over policy differences.
Guma: Some have branded you a divisive figure and claim your efforts to split the country to create the state of Mthwakazi is a breeding ground for tribalism and will only help Mugabe’s regime stay in power through divide and rule.
Siwela: Perhaps we would be in a better position to answer your question better if you define to us what is tribalism?
Guma: In this case the promotion of the interests of one tribal grouping at the expense or exclusion of another?
Siwela: Which tribal group interest is being promoted at the expense of the other? Ndebele people are not in authority cannot exercise discrimination of anyone anywhere in Zimbabwe. Discrimination can only be done and effected by people in power so how can Ndebele people discriminate anyone?
You would be aware that the departure of President Robert Mugabe will not change anything in so far as the oppression of the Matebele Nation. It would continue as is because of political leaders of Zimbabwe believe in discriminating the Matebele nation in its diversity.
Matebele nation does not want to be ruled better by anyone from Zimbabwe but wants to rule themselves and be free from battered image and crippling debt which can not be accounted for by the Zimbabwean politicians.
Interestingly, journalists in Zimbabwe are all concerned about future perceived Shona speaking people being discriminated in the future Republic of Matabeleland yet they are mute about the discrimination that Matebele people suffer on a daily basis under a Shona leader since 1980.
All public and private institutions don’t allow Matebele people to be employed and grow to be influential in those organizations and Zimbabwean journalists, the clergy and human rights groups headed by Shona people don’t see anything wrong with Matebele people being abused and discriminated.
Take our treason case in point the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights refused to represent us because they did not see us as Zimbabweans and did not care about our human rights and welfare.
Someone was recently killed for speaking Ndebele language and the media and Zimbabwe human rights organizations are silent about this as if nothing happened. I left the country fearing assassination attempt and the Zimbabwe human rights are mute over it.
No prominent Shona clergy has come to defend us or condemn the Zimbabwe government for gross abuse of our rights. So who is a tribalist? I wish to assure all our citizens in the future Republic of Matabeleland that NO ONE including Shona people would be discriminated on account of ethnicity, that would not be tolerated. It would be a punishable offence. We have to show our Zimbabwean neighbor what it ought to be to built and govern a nation.
Secondly our agenda is to restore our statehood which we lost on 3 November 1893 and we are sure the people of Zimbabwe have the capacity to have Mugabe in power if they choose that or remove him at their time of choosing.
It is their prerogative and Matebeles have no business in Zimbabwean affairs. We would remind you that the departure of Mugabe does not deliver Matebeles from servitude and restore our Statehood.
All Zimbabwean politicians have rejected federalism and thus Ndebeles have no other alternative but to restore their Statehood.
We would like to inform the people of Mashonaland aka Zimbabwe that we don’t need an inch of Zimbabwe and we shall respect Zimbabwe as our neighbour and live in peace with Zimbabwe and co operate with Zimbabwe in many areas of mutual interest. We shall conduct trade with Zimbabwe and enjoy diplomatic relations with it.
Guma: Who are the Matebeles?
Siwela: The Republic of Matabeleland shall have its citizens made up of the following major ethnic groups; Asiatics, Chewa, Coloured, Dombe Kalanga, Lozi, Nambyia, Ndebele, Tonga, Sotho, Shona, Xhosa, Venda, White, Zulu all being equal before the constitution and having equal obligations and opportunities and enjoying equal protection from the Republic. All these ethnic groups shall form the Matebele nation.
Guma: Some will say you have correctly identified some of the problems with the way Mugabe’s regime has run the country but your proposed solutions do not address the fundamentals in that there are other regions of the country that have been marginalized and not just Matabeleland?
Siwela: Our proposed solution is the best and will eventually indicate which country is better managed than the other. Our situation will be similar to that of South Korea and North Korea. The Republic of Matabeleland shall be the South Korea and Zimbabwe shall be the North Korea if they continue with their discriminatory policies, high appetite for corruption and lack of accountability, impunity and gross abuse of human rights and genocide.
Guma: MDC (Ncube) Bulawayo spokesperson Edwin Ndlovu described you as a “confused politician who has jumped from one political party to the other in search of position to no avail”. What’s you response to that?
Siwela: Edwin Ndlovu as a reference person in your above statement is a novice in politics whose his views have no effect on the political arena.
For the record one has to know what our political principle and trajectory was. We never changed our political principle or trajectory. For the record, we began as Zapu when we were advocating for federalism and later changed our name to be Zapu Federal Party to reflect our politics of advocating for federalism.
Later, we realised the name Zimbabwe was unsuitable and did not represent our aspiration more so after the Zimbabwean people had rejected FEDERALISM in favour of a unitary and discriminatory form of governance and formed MLF which on the legal advice and our litigation warfare programme necessitated the change to Matabeleland Liberation Organisation i.e. MLO.
Guma: Ndlovu also says “Siwela has done nothing for the people of Matabeleland except making noise. It’s high time he stopped talking and do something for the people. We are tired of people who complain without giving.” Your response?
Siwela: You seem to elevate Edwin Ndlovu to a status of reference point, a status he does not have in Matabeleland politics and would not want dignify your question.
Guma: Are you not shooting the messenger because you do not like the message? Ndlovu aside then, any other Zimbabwean who asks you “what have you done for the people of Matabaleleland?’ what’s your answer?
Siwela: Many would be aware we have stood for the interest of the people of Matabeleland and have suffered many times through arrest, torture, insults and abuse so that Matebele people can also be free and enjoy life here on earth.
One would wonder if there is anything bigger than having and enjoying freedom and an environment to pursue your own goals of happiness and success without impediments of discrimination.
This is what we have suffered for and continue to suffer for and hope to achieve in our life time and its our contribution to the freedom and independence of the people of Matabeleland in their diversity Edwin Ndlovu included.
Nothing happens by accident in politics. The cosmetic and minor changes which are replete in Zimbabwe is a result of our contribution. Does that count for Nothing?
Aliqunywe Mthwakazi...........
Jonathan H. Levy > Organization of Emerging African States
Memorandum on the Admission of the Matabeleland Liberation Organization (MLO) to the OEAS
Taking into consideration that the Matabeleland Liberation Organization (MLO) agrees with the Declaration of Washington on self determination in Africa, the Matabeleland Liberation Organization (MLO) is admitted as a member of the OEAS with full recognition and privileges. The OEAS in turn pledges its full support for the independence of Matabeleland.
Therefore it is with great pleasure we welcome the Matabeleland Liberation Organization (MLO) to the OEAS as a full member with all the privileges and benefits of membership
Yours in solidarity,
Ebenezer Derek Mbongo Akwanga, Jr.
Secretary General OEAS
Taking into consideration that the Matabeleland Liberation Organization (MLO) agrees with the Declaration of Washington on self determination in Africa, the Matabeleland Liberation Organization (MLO) is admitted as a member of the OEAS with full recognition and privileges. The OEAS in turn pledges its full support for the independence of Matabeleland.
Therefore it is with great pleasure we welcome the Matabeleland Liberation Organization (MLO) to the OEAS as a full member with all the privileges and benefits of membership
Yours in solidarity,
Ebenezer Derek Mbongo Akwanga, Jr.
Secretary General OEAS
Aliqunywe Mthwakazi
Gukurahundi Memorial Organisers blasted....
Esinye isiyoyoyo se Zanu siyawumana nxa....
Zanu-PF politburo member, Sikhanyiso Ndlovu Sunday lashed out at some activists from Matabeleland, accusing them of trying to gain political mileage by "opening wounds" inflicted upon by Gukurahundi, instead of concentrating on reviving industries in Bulawayo thereby creating employment for youths in the region. The veteran politician was commenting on the Gukurahundi Memorial led by estranged former Roman Catholic Archbishop, Pius Ncube, which was disbanded by the police in Bulawayo on Saturday morning. "There are people who want to keep warm by inciting people through reminding them of such issues (Gukurahundi)," said Ndlovu. "The matter was dealt with in the 1987 Unity Accord. "President Robert Mugabe and the late Vice President Joshua Nkomo wanted the fighting to stop. I don't know why we should continue bringing it up. The matter was dealt with during its hottest time. Why should we keep opening wounds?" About 20 000 people are believed to have perished during Gukurahundi period between 1982 and 1987 after government had unleashed the Fifth Brigade, ostensibly to deal with the dissident menace in parts of Matabeleland and the Midlands. Ndlovu told The Zimbabwe Mail that it was high time the region concentrated more on issues of the economy and development. "People should concentrate on nation building, unity and development of the country. They should be talking about how we should move on as a nation. Industries need to be resuscitated and the youths need to be empowered," he said. "What do those people have for the people of this region and for the future generation? We need to focus on infrastructure development, building roads and more clinics, to benefit the people of the region." Ndlovu said it was unfortunate that the Gukurahundi issue was being brought up barely a month after the commemoration of Unity Day on December 22. The highlight of the Unity Day commemoration was the official opening of the refurbished international airport in Bulawayo, renamed after one of the founding fathers of the nation, the late Joshua Nkomo, and the unveiling of his statue erected at the intersection of Eighth Avenue and former Main Street, also renamed after Father Zimbabwe, as Nkomo was affectionately known. "We are from commemorating Unity Day and a lot was said at the commemorations," said Ndlovu. "I don't know why people are turning their backs on that. Nkomo wanted peace, do you want him to turn in his grave? Do you want people to fight again?" Media reports yesterday said on Saturday morning police barred people from entering the Baptist Church of Bulawayo in the city's central business district for the Gukurahundi memorial, forcing the crowd to hold the prayers for two hours outside the venue. Former Archbishop Ncube led the ceremony.
Gukurahundi is a genocide........
Zanu-PF politburo member, Sikhanyiso Ndlovu Sunday lashed out at some activists from Matabeleland, accusing them of trying to gain political mileage by "opening wounds" inflicted upon by Gukurahundi, instead of concentrating on reviving industries in Bulawayo thereby creating employment for youths in the region. The veteran politician was commenting on the Gukurahundi Memorial led by estranged former Roman Catholic Archbishop, Pius Ncube, which was disbanded by the police in Bulawayo on Saturday morning. "There are people who want to keep warm by inciting people through reminding them of such issues (Gukurahundi)," said Ndlovu. "The matter was dealt with in the 1987 Unity Accord. "President Robert Mugabe and the late Vice President Joshua Nkomo wanted the fighting to stop. I don't know why we should continue bringing it up. The matter was dealt with during its hottest time. Why should we keep opening wounds?" About 20 000 people are believed to have perished during Gukurahundi period between 1982 and 1987 after government had unleashed the Fifth Brigade, ostensibly to deal with the dissident menace in parts of Matabeleland and the Midlands. Ndlovu told The Zimbabwe Mail that it was high time the region concentrated more on issues of the economy and development. "People should concentrate on nation building, unity and development of the country. They should be talking about how we should move on as a nation. Industries need to be resuscitated and the youths need to be empowered," he said. "What do those people have for the people of this region and for the future generation? We need to focus on infrastructure development, building roads and more clinics, to benefit the people of the region." Ndlovu said it was unfortunate that the Gukurahundi issue was being brought up barely a month after the commemoration of Unity Day on December 22. The highlight of the Unity Day commemoration was the official opening of the refurbished international airport in Bulawayo, renamed after one of the founding fathers of the nation, the late Joshua Nkomo, and the unveiling of his statue erected at the intersection of Eighth Avenue and former Main Street, also renamed after Father Zimbabwe, as Nkomo was affectionately known. "We are from commemorating Unity Day and a lot was said at the commemorations," said Ndlovu. "I don't know why people are turning their backs on that. Nkomo wanted peace, do you want him to turn in his grave? Do you want people to fight again?" Media reports yesterday said on Saturday morning police barred people from entering the Baptist Church of Bulawayo in the city's central business district for the Gukurahundi memorial, forcing the crowd to hold the prayers for two hours outside the venue. Former Archbishop Ncube led the ceremony.
Gukurahundi is a genocide........
Sunday, 19 January 2014
Gukurahundi genocide: Case for reburial of victims
Article by Bantubenkosi Sithole
It is cause for much regret that most contributions to the Zimbabwean political debate are taken not in good humour but in ill will as attacks on the political establishment. In my previous article to this esteemed news portal I wrote to question the sincerity of the ruling party in honouring the late Joshua Nkomo. It was my emphatic contention that the honours that are belatedly being heaped on Nkomo bespeak an attempt by Zanu PF to make full political capital out of the good name and legacy of Joshua Nkomo while continuing to erase ZIPRA and ZAPU from the mainstream historical narrative of Zimbabwe. It smacks of criminal political opportunism to use the name of the departed in vain; to harvest the fruits of their legacy and continue to diminish the values and ideals that they lived and suffered for.
In this article I continue to probe the cynical and negligent politics of a regime that has thrown human values out through the window and that has turned the keeping of political power into a god and a religion. This poverty of conscience and morality is not dramatised more in any issue than the continued neglect that the Zanu PF regime gives to the issue of the dead and the living victims of the Gukurahundi massacres. In my life in the diaspora I have met face to face the misery of exiled Gukurahundi victims who are virtually Stateless, and futureless.
The case of Xolani Mdlongwa of the Siphepha area in Tsholotsho is a spectacular example of how the Gukurahundi genocide continues to tax its victims, and will continue even to punish their children and descendants. Xolani could not attend school because he had no birth certificate as both his parents perished during the killings. As a result, he could not get any employment because, besides having no education, he did not have any identity documents. In 1996 Xolani crossed the Limpopo River to seek informal and menial employment in South Africa. As I write Xolani survives in Pretoria from doing part-time gardening and other jobs that befit an illegal immigrant who cannot formalize his stay in South Africa because he has no identity documents. From the poor pickings that Xolani makes from his menial jobs, he feeds his family and educates his younger brothers back in Zimbabwe.
Because of the case of such victims of Gukurahundi as Xolani, I was infuriated when I read reports that addressing a rally in Gwanda, Robert Mugabe scoffed at the young people of Matabeleland who jump the boarder to South Africa only to bring back second hand bicycles. Does the President of Zimbabwe know that most of those people who dare crocodiles and the wild waters of the Limpopo do so because there is no life for them in Zimbabwe? Does the President of Zimbabwe know that most of those people do not believe that they are Zimbabweans because of how his brutal and genocidal rule has impacted on them, and continues to punish them years after the massacres stopped?
It is not as much my intention to tell the story of living victims of the Gukurahundi genocide such as Xolani Mdlongwa. What point I wish to make is that the Zimbabwean government should find it in itself to urgently attend to the mass graves and shallow graves of Gukurahundi victims that are scattered throughout Matabeleland and the Midlands provinces. For a government that has sought to portray itself as an Africanist government, this should not be too much to ask. The government of Zimbabwe should rise to the responsibility of governing and leadership and ensure that those who perished in the Gukurahundi genocide are laid to rest in dignity for the peace and comfort of their families and relatives.
Because of scattered shallow graves, mass graves and human bones that are strewn all over the region, the cultural and spiritual lives of the people of Matabeleland Midlands are unstable and irregular. Farming and other land based activities now and again have to be altered to cater for the unmarked graves and human bones that are all over the place and have to be given respect.
The relatives of those whose remains lie in the wilderness cannot perform traditional rites to their departed in line with their culture, and cannot even rebury their loved ones in fear of a vindictive government that wishes the Gukurahundi episode of Zimbabwean history was forgotten. The relatives and families of those whose bones lie in the wilderness together with those of birds and beasts are nursing a deep grievance and remain in perpetual mourning as they cannot find closure to the Gukurahundi episode of Zimbabwean history while their loved ones lie in dishonour.
Are there no men and women of honour in the Zimbabwean government who can prevail on the Zanu PF leadership to do the right thing and conduct reburials of Gukurahundi victims to promote peace and national healing in the country? Are there no men and women of conscience in Zanu PF who can emphathise with the sorrow and plight of families and relatives of Gukurahundi victims who have to live with the agony of seeing the remains of their loved ones scattered across the land together with those of dogs, donkeys and cattle? The government should not wait for activists and opposition political parties to politicise the issue, but should find it in its power to address the problem of mass graves and shallow graves before it becomes a source of new conflicts.
The people of Matabeleland and the Midlands still re-live the trauma and horror of the genocide as the bones of their loved ones continue to remind them daily of that painful past where the state turned against unarmed civilians. If the government of Zimbabwe values the unity and nationhood of Zimbabwe, it should take steps to right this wrong which continues to afflict a section of the population of the country.
If perhaps the government finds it embarrassing or taxing to conduct reburial ceremonies for the victims of Gukurahundi, they should do the right thing and give relatives and families of the victims permission to rebury their loved ones in descent graves. There should be enough non-governmental organisations and international well-wishers who are willing to support the noble cause of laying in peace the victims of that dark episode in the history of Zimbabwe.
Among the organisations that are willing to rise to the responsibility to rebury victims of Gukurahundi, New Generation Movement, an organisation in whose interest I write, is prepared to provide support in form of human resources and other requirements once the government of the day has provided the political will. In this project, the support and participation of traditional leaders, the Church and traditional spiritual leaders will be important.
Care should be taken by all serious Zimbabweans to realise that the matter of shallow graves and mass graves that populate Matabeleland and the Midlands is more than just a partisan political matter but a grave humanitarian issue that must worry all citizens of Zimbabwe. The onus is not on government and political players only.
The wounded people of Matabeleland and the Midlands themselves who give votes and political support to politicians should find the strength to speak with one voice and demand that political leaders address the grave issue of mass graves and shallow graves that are strewn throughout the region. Why should these wounded people endorse politics and politicians that do not recognise their humanity? In light of my argument above, and the willingness of such organisations as the New Generation Movement to move in and assist with the reburial of Gukurahundi victims, the government should be able to provide the much needed political will and leadership.
The perpetrators of Gukurahundi, most of who are still in the helm of politics in Zimbabwe, should also find it in themselves to help with information relating to the location of other mass graves that are yet to be located. That disclosure and show of willingness to support the reburial may go a long way to show the important gesture that perpetrators of Gukurahundi are willing to join the victims in building a new Zimbabwe of peace and forgiveness. It will be an enormous error for the government to regard these efforts towards the reburial of victims of Gukurahundi as an attack or a challenge of any form. In fact, the authorities that be should see this motion as an opportunity to repair the massive damage in the national fabric.
Bantubenkosi Sithole Is a Telecommunications Engineer based in South Africa. He is reachable on bantu.sithole@gmail.com. Twitter
It is cause for much regret that most contributions to the Zimbabwean political debate are taken not in good humour but in ill will as attacks on the political establishment. In my previous article to this esteemed news portal I wrote to question the sincerity of the ruling party in honouring the late Joshua Nkomo. It was my emphatic contention that the honours that are belatedly being heaped on Nkomo bespeak an attempt by Zanu PF to make full political capital out of the good name and legacy of Joshua Nkomo while continuing to erase ZIPRA and ZAPU from the mainstream historical narrative of Zimbabwe. It smacks of criminal political opportunism to use the name of the departed in vain; to harvest the fruits of their legacy and continue to diminish the values and ideals that they lived and suffered for.
In this article I continue to probe the cynical and negligent politics of a regime that has thrown human values out through the window and that has turned the keeping of political power into a god and a religion. This poverty of conscience and morality is not dramatised more in any issue than the continued neglect that the Zanu PF regime gives to the issue of the dead and the living victims of the Gukurahundi massacres. In my life in the diaspora I have met face to face the misery of exiled Gukurahundi victims who are virtually Stateless, and futureless.
The case of Xolani Mdlongwa of the Siphepha area in Tsholotsho is a spectacular example of how the Gukurahundi genocide continues to tax its victims, and will continue even to punish their children and descendants. Xolani could not attend school because he had no birth certificate as both his parents perished during the killings. As a result, he could not get any employment because, besides having no education, he did not have any identity documents. In 1996 Xolani crossed the Limpopo River to seek informal and menial employment in South Africa. As I write Xolani survives in Pretoria from doing part-time gardening and other jobs that befit an illegal immigrant who cannot formalize his stay in South Africa because he has no identity documents. From the poor pickings that Xolani makes from his menial jobs, he feeds his family and educates his younger brothers back in Zimbabwe.
Because of the case of such victims of Gukurahundi as Xolani, I was infuriated when I read reports that addressing a rally in Gwanda, Robert Mugabe scoffed at the young people of Matabeleland who jump the boarder to South Africa only to bring back second hand bicycles. Does the President of Zimbabwe know that most of those people who dare crocodiles and the wild waters of the Limpopo do so because there is no life for them in Zimbabwe? Does the President of Zimbabwe know that most of those people do not believe that they are Zimbabweans because of how his brutal and genocidal rule has impacted on them, and continues to punish them years after the massacres stopped?
It is not as much my intention to tell the story of living victims of the Gukurahundi genocide such as Xolani Mdlongwa. What point I wish to make is that the Zimbabwean government should find it in itself to urgently attend to the mass graves and shallow graves of Gukurahundi victims that are scattered throughout Matabeleland and the Midlands provinces. For a government that has sought to portray itself as an Africanist government, this should not be too much to ask. The government of Zimbabwe should rise to the responsibility of governing and leadership and ensure that those who perished in the Gukurahundi genocide are laid to rest in dignity for the peace and comfort of their families and relatives.
Because of scattered shallow graves, mass graves and human bones that are strewn all over the region, the cultural and spiritual lives of the people of Matabeleland Midlands are unstable and irregular. Farming and other land based activities now and again have to be altered to cater for the unmarked graves and human bones that are all over the place and have to be given respect.
The relatives of those whose remains lie in the wilderness cannot perform traditional rites to their departed in line with their culture, and cannot even rebury their loved ones in fear of a vindictive government that wishes the Gukurahundi episode of Zimbabwean history was forgotten. The relatives and families of those whose bones lie in the wilderness together with those of birds and beasts are nursing a deep grievance and remain in perpetual mourning as they cannot find closure to the Gukurahundi episode of Zimbabwean history while their loved ones lie in dishonour.
Are there no men and women of honour in the Zimbabwean government who can prevail on the Zanu PF leadership to do the right thing and conduct reburials of Gukurahundi victims to promote peace and national healing in the country? Are there no men and women of conscience in Zanu PF who can emphathise with the sorrow and plight of families and relatives of Gukurahundi victims who have to live with the agony of seeing the remains of their loved ones scattered across the land together with those of dogs, donkeys and cattle? The government should not wait for activists and opposition political parties to politicise the issue, but should find it in its power to address the problem of mass graves and shallow graves before it becomes a source of new conflicts.
The people of Matabeleland and the Midlands still re-live the trauma and horror of the genocide as the bones of their loved ones continue to remind them daily of that painful past where the state turned against unarmed civilians. If the government of Zimbabwe values the unity and nationhood of Zimbabwe, it should take steps to right this wrong which continues to afflict a section of the population of the country.
If perhaps the government finds it embarrassing or taxing to conduct reburial ceremonies for the victims of Gukurahundi, they should do the right thing and give relatives and families of the victims permission to rebury their loved ones in descent graves. There should be enough non-governmental organisations and international well-wishers who are willing to support the noble cause of laying in peace the victims of that dark episode in the history of Zimbabwe.
Among the organisations that are willing to rise to the responsibility to rebury victims of Gukurahundi, New Generation Movement, an organisation in whose interest I write, is prepared to provide support in form of human resources and other requirements once the government of the day has provided the political will. In this project, the support and participation of traditional leaders, the Church and traditional spiritual leaders will be important.
Care should be taken by all serious Zimbabweans to realise that the matter of shallow graves and mass graves that populate Matabeleland and the Midlands is more than just a partisan political matter but a grave humanitarian issue that must worry all citizens of Zimbabwe. The onus is not on government and political players only.
The wounded people of Matabeleland and the Midlands themselves who give votes and political support to politicians should find the strength to speak with one voice and demand that political leaders address the grave issue of mass graves and shallow graves that are strewn throughout the region. Why should these wounded people endorse politics and politicians that do not recognise their humanity? In light of my argument above, and the willingness of such organisations as the New Generation Movement to move in and assist with the reburial of Gukurahundi victims, the government should be able to provide the much needed political will and leadership.
The perpetrators of Gukurahundi, most of who are still in the helm of politics in Zimbabwe, should also find it in themselves to help with information relating to the location of other mass graves that are yet to be located. That disclosure and show of willingness to support the reburial may go a long way to show the important gesture that perpetrators of Gukurahundi are willing to join the victims in building a new Zimbabwe of peace and forgiveness. It will be an enormous error for the government to regard these efforts towards the reburial of victims of Gukurahundi as an attack or a challenge of any form. In fact, the authorities that be should see this motion as an opportunity to repair the massive damage in the national fabric.
Bantubenkosi Sithole Is a Telecommunications Engineer based in South Africa. He is reachable on bantu.sithole@gmail.com. Twitter
Saturday, 18 January 2014
Pius Ncube resurfaces at the Gukurahundi Memorial Prayer
FORMER Roman Catholic Archbishop for Bulawayo, Pius Alick Mvundla Ncube, who disappeared from the public eye after a widely publicised
adulterous relationship with a church member, resurfaced today in Bulawayo at a controversial and unsanctioned prayer meeting dubbed the Gukurahundi Memorial Prayers.
The meeting which was held at the Baptist Church in Bulawayo was stopped by the police as Archbishop Ncube was leading a departing prayer outside the church.
Prior to the prayer, Archbishop Ncube had been involved in an argument with police officers who had ordered the meeting to be stopped.
Archbishop Ncube wanted the meeting to go ahead despite it being illegal.
When journalists tried to speak to the controversial cleric, he refused to comment.
“I cannot talk to you right now,” he said briefly.
In 2007, Archbishop Ncube, who was the head of the Roman Catholic Church archdiocese in Bulawayo, made headlines when he was allegedly filmed having sex with a married woman. Following the unearthing of the sex scandal, he resigned from the diocese.
His resignation was submitted and accepted by the then head of the Roman Catholic Church, Pope Benedict XVI.
The husband of the woman involved in the scandal went on to sue Archbishop Ncube for destroying his marriage.
Yesterday’s prayer meeting had been organised by a number of so-called pressure groups that included Ibhetshu Likazulu. Present at the aborted meeting was former Minister of National Healing and Reconciliation Mr Moses Mzila Ndlovu and some members of the Professor Welshman Ncube-led Movement for Democratic Change.
Gukurahundi wounds are still fresh......
adulterous relationship with a church member, resurfaced today in Bulawayo at a controversial and unsanctioned prayer meeting dubbed the Gukurahundi Memorial Prayers.
The meeting which was held at the Baptist Church in Bulawayo was stopped by the police as Archbishop Ncube was leading a departing prayer outside the church.
Prior to the prayer, Archbishop Ncube had been involved in an argument with police officers who had ordered the meeting to be stopped.
Archbishop Ncube wanted the meeting to go ahead despite it being illegal.
When journalists tried to speak to the controversial cleric, he refused to comment.
“I cannot talk to you right now,” he said briefly.
In 2007, Archbishop Ncube, who was the head of the Roman Catholic Church archdiocese in Bulawayo, made headlines when he was allegedly filmed having sex with a married woman. Following the unearthing of the sex scandal, he resigned from the diocese.
His resignation was submitted and accepted by the then head of the Roman Catholic Church, Pope Benedict XVI.
The husband of the woman involved in the scandal went on to sue Archbishop Ncube for destroying his marriage.
Yesterday’s prayer meeting had been organised by a number of so-called pressure groups that included Ibhetshu Likazulu. Present at the aborted meeting was former Minister of National Healing and Reconciliation Mr Moses Mzila Ndlovu and some members of the Professor Welshman Ncube-led Movement for Democratic Change.
Gukurahundi wounds are still fresh......
Thursday, 16 January 2014
Gukurahundi artist Maseko kept guessing by ConCourt
The Gukurahundi Bulawayo based artist Owen Maseko's fate hangs in the balance after Chief Justice Godfrey Chidyausiku today reserved ruling on his case of undermining President Robert Mugabe.
Maseko is accused of undermining the authority of or insulting the President and causing offence to persons of a particular race or religion.
He was in court in Harare early Wednesday.
Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) who are representing Maseko have since issued a statement on today's proceedings.
Below is the statement in full:
THE State represented by Chris Mutangadura of the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) on Wednesday 15 January 2014 conceded that the alleged facts outlined in the case in which visual artist Owen Maseko and former Makoni South legislator Pishai Muchauraya are challenging charges of undermining authority of or insulting President Robert Mugabe cannot sustain the charge preferred against them.
Mutangadaura made the concession before the Full Bench of the Constitutional Court during a hearing in which Maseko and Muchauraya were challenging insult laws used to arrest them about four years.
In making the concession, Mutangadura admitted that the facts as alleged by State prosecutors do not reveal that the duo committed an offence.
Chief Justice Godfrey Chidyausiku reserved ruling on the matters and advised that the ConCourt will hand down a written order.
The ConCourt stated that it would be academic for it to adjudicate whether Sections 33 of the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act do violate the old Constitution since Mutangadura had conceded that the duo had not committed an offence when they were arrested and charged with insulting President Mugabe.
Maseko's case has been running since 2010 and appeared for conclusion in October last year when the Constitutional Court ruled in Maseko's favour.
The Constitutional Court then asked Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa to show cause why the laws should not be struck off the country's statute books.
Hon. Mnangagwa chose to defend the laws and filed an affidavit arguing that the statutes were necessary.
In October 2013, the Constitutional Court declared as unconstitutional Sections 31 (a) (iii) and 33 (a) (ii) of the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act (Chapter 9:23) as they were in contravention of Sections 20 (1), 19 (1) and 18 (1) of the former Constitution of Zimbabwe. In a unanimous decision in the matter of Owen Maseko v the Attorney General, SC60/11, the Constitutional Court granted a consent order stating that the State represented by Mutangadura of the NPA had not shown that Sections 31 (a) (iii) and 33 (a) (ii) of the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act (Chapter 9:23) are not in contravention of Sections 20 (1), 19 (1) and 18 (1) of the former constitution.
Maseko, who was represented by Advocate Zvikomborero Chadambuka instructed by Tawanda Zhuwarara and Jeremiah Bamu of Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR), petitioned the Constitutional Court seeking an order to declare as unconstitutional laws infringing on artists' rights to free expression and freedom of conscience, particularly freedom of thought as guaranteed in the Constitution.
This was after the visual artist was arrested in March 2010 and charged for staging an exhibition in Bulawayo depicting the 1980s Matabeleland massacres known as Gukurahundi carried out by a crack military unit on the instructions of the government.
Maseko was accused of undermining the authority of or insulting the President and causing offence to persons of a particular race or religion.
His exhibition, which showcases paintings that explored the torture and massacres that characterised the civil unrest of the early 1980s in Midlands and Matabeleland provinces, was forcibly shut down.
The insult laws have been routinely used to arrest and detain dozens of people for allegedly insulting and undermining the authority of President Mugabe.
More than 80 similar cases are pending before the Constitutional Court and other subsidiary courts of the land.
Human rights lawyers have said there has been a dramatic increase in the arbitrary application of Section 33 of the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act (Chapter 9:23) since 2010.
But in his affidavit to the Constitutional Court defending the insult laws, Hon. Mnangagwa argued that such laws are justifiable in a democratic society.
Maseko is accused of undermining the authority of or insulting the President and causing offence to persons of a particular race or religion.
He was in court in Harare early Wednesday.
Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) who are representing Maseko have since issued a statement on today's proceedings.
Below is the statement in full:
THE State represented by Chris Mutangadura of the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) on Wednesday 15 January 2014 conceded that the alleged facts outlined in the case in which visual artist Owen Maseko and former Makoni South legislator Pishai Muchauraya are challenging charges of undermining authority of or insulting President Robert Mugabe cannot sustain the charge preferred against them.
Mutangadaura made the concession before the Full Bench of the Constitutional Court during a hearing in which Maseko and Muchauraya were challenging insult laws used to arrest them about four years.
In making the concession, Mutangadura admitted that the facts as alleged by State prosecutors do not reveal that the duo committed an offence.
Chief Justice Godfrey Chidyausiku reserved ruling on the matters and advised that the ConCourt will hand down a written order.
The ConCourt stated that it would be academic for it to adjudicate whether Sections 33 of the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act do violate the old Constitution since Mutangadura had conceded that the duo had not committed an offence when they were arrested and charged with insulting President Mugabe.
Maseko's case has been running since 2010 and appeared for conclusion in October last year when the Constitutional Court ruled in Maseko's favour.
The Constitutional Court then asked Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa to show cause why the laws should not be struck off the country's statute books.
Hon. Mnangagwa chose to defend the laws and filed an affidavit arguing that the statutes were necessary.
In October 2013, the Constitutional Court declared as unconstitutional Sections 31 (a) (iii) and 33 (a) (ii) of the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act (Chapter 9:23) as they were in contravention of Sections 20 (1), 19 (1) and 18 (1) of the former Constitution of Zimbabwe. In a unanimous decision in the matter of Owen Maseko v the Attorney General, SC60/11, the Constitutional Court granted a consent order stating that the State represented by Mutangadura of the NPA had not shown that Sections 31 (a) (iii) and 33 (a) (ii) of the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act (Chapter 9:23) are not in contravention of Sections 20 (1), 19 (1) and 18 (1) of the former constitution.
Maseko, who was represented by Advocate Zvikomborero Chadambuka instructed by Tawanda Zhuwarara and Jeremiah Bamu of Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR), petitioned the Constitutional Court seeking an order to declare as unconstitutional laws infringing on artists' rights to free expression and freedom of conscience, particularly freedom of thought as guaranteed in the Constitution.
This was after the visual artist was arrested in March 2010 and charged for staging an exhibition in Bulawayo depicting the 1980s Matabeleland massacres known as Gukurahundi carried out by a crack military unit on the instructions of the government.
Maseko was accused of undermining the authority of or insulting the President and causing offence to persons of a particular race or religion.
His exhibition, which showcases paintings that explored the torture and massacres that characterised the civil unrest of the early 1980s in Midlands and Matabeleland provinces, was forcibly shut down.
The insult laws have been routinely used to arrest and detain dozens of people for allegedly insulting and undermining the authority of President Mugabe.
More than 80 similar cases are pending before the Constitutional Court and other subsidiary courts of the land.
Human rights lawyers have said there has been a dramatic increase in the arbitrary application of Section 33 of the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act (Chapter 9:23) since 2010.
But in his affidavit to the Constitutional Court defending the insult laws, Hon. Mnangagwa argued that such laws are justifiable in a democratic society.
Wednesday, 15 January 2014
Gukurahundi memorial - Sat 18 Jan 2014
A memorial event in honour of the victims of the Gukurahundi atrocities is scheduled to take place this Saturday in the city, as activists continue to ramp up the tempo on the subject that has almost been viewed as taboo by the Zanu-PF government. The event, slated for the Baptist Church in Bulawayo, will witness people from different parts of Matabeleland being part of what has been dubbed the Gukurahundi Memorial Prayers.
An estimated 20 000 civilians from Matabeleland and Midlands provinces
perished at the hands of the crack North Korean-trained Fifth Brigade in
a post-independence civil war. This year's commemoration comes
after police in Bulawayo last year banned similar commemorations on
the "feeble" excuse that the meeting was likely to cause disharmony and
division among the society. The event was meant to mark the annual World Genocide Day which falls on January 25.
However, the urgent appeal to the High Court by the organisers to have
the ban lifted hit a brick hall after it was dismissed. Organisers of the event, a radical Bulawayo based pressure group Ibhetshu Likazulu, said they decided
to turn the commemorations into just a prayer session for the Gukurahundi
victims. "The government blocked us last year but we have this year decided to conduct prayers only unlike previously where we had a number of political
speakers as part of the event," Mbuso Fuzwayo, the organisation's
spokesperson said.
"We have invited everyone and we do not have special members. Only the community will be leading the prayers." Fuzwayo said the commemorations
signified that Zimbabwe was not at peace as a nation and that only
dialogue between the people and government can put the long-drawn-
out matter to rest. "The government and the people have to get to a point where they appreciate that there is a problem. It should be noted that the solution on this matter cannot come from people
neither can it from the government, so we need to find each other.
The movement which is known for its hard-line stance against Zanu-PF
seems to be now taking a sober approach to the highly contested
matter. In the past, the pressure group hurled brickbats at the party over its
involvement in the atrocities. "We cannot afford to continue talking
about one another without talking to each other," Fuzwayo said.
"This is what we are praying for, the victim and the perpetrator are stakeholders to the solution of the matter and we expect that one day
everyone will accept that this was not only a Matabeleland and Midlands
issue but national crises," he added.
Over the years, President Robert Mugabe's government has moved
swiftly to block any move that takes a dig at the post-independence
Gukurahundi atrocities. This has also seen individuals, organisations and even artists who join the fray receiving a backlash from Zanu-PF.
Gukurahundi is a genocide and thus we don't only demand the right to commemorate their lives but justice and their reburial too. Vuka Mthwakazi.....
An estimated 20 000 civilians from Matabeleland and Midlands provinces
perished at the hands of the crack North Korean-trained Fifth Brigade in
a post-independence civil war. This year's commemoration comes
after police in Bulawayo last year banned similar commemorations on
the "feeble" excuse that the meeting was likely to cause disharmony and
division among the society. The event was meant to mark the annual World Genocide Day which falls on January 25.
However, the urgent appeal to the High Court by the organisers to have
the ban lifted hit a brick hall after it was dismissed. Organisers of the event, a radical Bulawayo based pressure group Ibhetshu Likazulu, said they decided
to turn the commemorations into just a prayer session for the Gukurahundi
victims. "The government blocked us last year but we have this year decided to conduct prayers only unlike previously where we had a number of political
speakers as part of the event," Mbuso Fuzwayo, the organisation's
spokesperson said.
"We have invited everyone and we do not have special members. Only the community will be leading the prayers." Fuzwayo said the commemorations
signified that Zimbabwe was not at peace as a nation and that only
dialogue between the people and government can put the long-drawn-
out matter to rest. "The government and the people have to get to a point where they appreciate that there is a problem. It should be noted that the solution on this matter cannot come from people
neither can it from the government, so we need to find each other.
The movement which is known for its hard-line stance against Zanu-PF
seems to be now taking a sober approach to the highly contested
matter. In the past, the pressure group hurled brickbats at the party over its
involvement in the atrocities. "We cannot afford to continue talking
about one another without talking to each other," Fuzwayo said.
"This is what we are praying for, the victim and the perpetrator are stakeholders to the solution of the matter and we expect that one day
everyone will accept that this was not only a Matabeleland and Midlands
issue but national crises," he added.
Over the years, President Robert Mugabe's government has moved
swiftly to block any move that takes a dig at the post-independence
Gukurahundi atrocities. This has also seen individuals, organisations and even artists who join the fray receiving a backlash from Zanu-PF.
Gukurahundi is a genocide and thus we don't only demand the right to commemorate their lives but justice and their reburial too. Vuka Mthwakazi.....
Tuesday, 14 January 2014
Mthwakazi activists arrested
Two Mthwakazi Liberation Front (MLF) activists were arrested on the 22nd of December at the Joshua Mqabuko Nkomo International Airport after they were found in possession of material inscribed with alleged “sensitive” information.
The pair, Prudence Moyo and Albert Gumede had gone to the JMNI Airport for the commissioning of the new airport terminal building by President Robert Mugabe, in honour of the late Vice President Joshua Mqabuko Nkomo.
Police officers who searched their vehicle at the entrance of the airport premises discovered a banner and 17 white T-Shirts inscribed with different messages, which the police said were sensitive.
The pair where arrested and spent the night at the Bulawayo Central Police Station and were charged with criminal nuisance.
They were released on Monday (today) morning after paying admission of guilt fines.
The banner had the picture of the late former South African President Nelson Mandela and had the words, Thina abaka Mzilikazi, uMthwakazi sikhala kunye nani and the world. Abaka Mthwakazi abaka khululeki singaphansi kwencindesi (We the people of Mzilikazi, of the Mthwakazi nation mourn with you and the rest of the world. Mthwakazi people are not yet free, we are still under oppression), inscribed on it.
The white T-Shirts had a picture of Mandela and Nkomo shaking hands on the front with the words, Commanders of Mkhonto weSizwe and ZAPU, written on them.
At the back it was written, You both fought white and black domination, may your spirits join us in our struggle, Vuka Mthwakazi.
The banner and T-Shirts were confiscated by the police.
Dumisani Dube a lawyer with Mabhikwa, Hikwa and Nyathi law firm who represented the pair together with Kholwani Ngwenya, confirmed the arrests in an interview with Radio Dialogue.
“The pair had gone to the official opening of the Joshua Nkomo airport. Gumede was driving a vehicle which had a banner with a picture of Joshua Nkomo and Nelson Mandela inscribed with words which the police found offensive.
“Initially the police told them that their vehicle had caught fire, when they came out they were immediately arrested. They were detained overnight and charged with criminal nuisance,” said Dube.
Bulawayo police spokesperson Assistant Inspector Bhekimpilo Ndlovu was not immediately available for a comment.
Mthwakazi Liberation Front is a political party advocating for the secession of Matabeleland from the rest of the country
The pair, Prudence Moyo and Albert Gumede had gone to the JMNI Airport for the commissioning of the new airport terminal building by President Robert Mugabe, in honour of the late Vice President Joshua Mqabuko Nkomo.
Police officers who searched their vehicle at the entrance of the airport premises discovered a banner and 17 white T-Shirts inscribed with different messages, which the police said were sensitive.
The pair where arrested and spent the night at the Bulawayo Central Police Station and were charged with criminal nuisance.
They were released on Monday (today) morning after paying admission of guilt fines.
The banner had the picture of the late former South African President Nelson Mandela and had the words, Thina abaka Mzilikazi, uMthwakazi sikhala kunye nani and the world. Abaka Mthwakazi abaka khululeki singaphansi kwencindesi (We the people of Mzilikazi, of the Mthwakazi nation mourn with you and the rest of the world. Mthwakazi people are not yet free, we are still under oppression), inscribed on it.
The white T-Shirts had a picture of Mandela and Nkomo shaking hands on the front with the words, Commanders of Mkhonto weSizwe and ZAPU, written on them.
At the back it was written, You both fought white and black domination, may your spirits join us in our struggle, Vuka Mthwakazi.
The banner and T-Shirts were confiscated by the police.
Dumisani Dube a lawyer with Mabhikwa, Hikwa and Nyathi law firm who represented the pair together with Kholwani Ngwenya, confirmed the arrests in an interview with Radio Dialogue.
“The pair had gone to the official opening of the Joshua Nkomo airport. Gumede was driving a vehicle which had a banner with a picture of Joshua Nkomo and Nelson Mandela inscribed with words which the police found offensive.
“Initially the police told them that their vehicle had caught fire, when they came out they were immediately arrested. They were detained overnight and charged with criminal nuisance,” said Dube.
Bulawayo police spokesperson Assistant Inspector Bhekimpilo Ndlovu was not immediately available for a comment.
Mthwakazi Liberation Front is a political party advocating for the secession of Matabeleland from the rest of the country
Free expression still a mirage for artists
THAT citizens cannot enjoy democracy if they are ruled by an undemocratic party is the warning which got Cont Mhlanga’s play Members banned from theatre stages in Zimbabwe in 1985.
Owen Maseko’s art is equally provocative and political. A 2012 painting of a bespectacled man emerging from a television set with long outstretched arms is a depiction of the bad news of the killings in Matabeleland and Midlands by government forces in 1983, which President Robert Mugabe has described as a “moment of madness”.
Daring and bold define the works of Mhlanga and Maseko, whose liberal yet dissenting artistic voices have made them personae non grata in Zimbabwe’s art circles.
Mhlanga and Maseko have been harassed, arrested and detained for criticising the government — but they have not stopped doing what they love.
Zimbabwe is widely perceived as having repressive laws on freedom of expression, association and the media. According to Amnesty International, the country is not walking the talk in practising human rights, guaranteed under a new Constitution launched in August 2013.
The Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act of 2005 has been used to silence critics. The law was put to test in October 2013 when the country’s Constitutional Court ruled that sections were unconstitutional and should be scrapped.
In his ruling, Deputy Chief Justice Luke Malaba criticised government prosecutors for abusing the law, saying the country’s National Prosecuting Authority should not be “prosecuting matters in which statements were uttered in drinking halls and other social places, as the pursuit of such frivolous matters only served to bring disrespect on the Office of the President.”
While civil society organisations and lawyers commend the Constitutional Court for taking a big step in securing freedom of expression and the rule of law, Mhlanga and Maseko have suffered persecution, humiliation and isolation.
“Once you have a government that bans you as an individual and people do not see your work but see you as a controversial and problematic figure, you do not get far,” Mhlanga, the founder and artistic director of the Amakhosi Cultural Centre and performing arts academy, told IPS.
“It is not wrong to be critical because it helps everyone but there is a misconception that when you talk about rule of law in Zimbabwe you are referring to regime change. That is the biggest misconception there is because we are dealing with people who only understand their political positions and not the laws, especially under our new constitution.”
Mhlanga describes his work as one story of governance and transparency, and his plays offer a social commentary on politics, corruption, human rights abuses, dictatorship and dispossession. A number have been banned from the stage, earning him a reputation for not shying away from controversy.
The 1983 satirical play Members was prophetic of Zimbabwe’s current politics. Infighting has rocked the ruling Zanu PF as separate camps jockey for a candidate to succeed Mugabe, who has indicated that he will serve his current five-year term of office to 2018.
Opposition parties who fared badly in the July 2013 elections are now more divided than they were in the 2008 elections.
Mhlanga’s play Nansi Le Ndoda, which toured Botswana in 1985, introduced him to the national and international stage with its didactic message about corruption.
Stitsha mirrored the controversial land policies that have divided Zimbabweans today, with claims that reforms have led to poor agricultural productivity and food insecurity.
Workshop Negative highlighted the conflict between rich and poor as a result of political patronage. It was banned.
“I write plays because I am stubborn about issues, not because the plays are appreciated,” said Mhlanga, lamenting that because of his work the government was not comfortable supporting any projects and graduates from his academy.
“I am affected because this persecution slows down new thoughts I would like to bring to society because society is developed by thoughts. Thought leadership does not come from a group of people but it can come from simple individuals as I write to advise and help correct what I find wrong in our society.”
Maseko has suffered personally and professionally since his Gukurahundi Exhibition held at the National Gallery in Bulawayo in 2009 was shut down by the police after it premiered.
Today the section of the gallery housing the exhibition is a crime scene despite the Constitutional Court ruling that Maseko’s arrest was unconstitutional.
“The freedom to express oneself does not come free because I have paid for it with my work,” Maseko told IPS at his home studio in Bulawayo.
“While I have been able to do international exhibitions, I have not been able to function in Zimbabwe as no one wants to work with me or be associated with me.”
Maseko laments that his family lives in worry that he might be arrested again to suffer a worse fate. The Minister of Defence, who in November 2013 was summoned by the Constitutional Court to justify Maseko’s prosecution, has since appealed the ruling.
“My celebration of being a free man has been short-lived and I do not know when this matter will be heard. It could be next year or never,” said Maseko.
“Art appreciation is important and critical. If a lot of people start appreciating art then all the laws about the freedom of expression might possibly be challenged and changed.”
The Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe has urged government to immediately repeal the remaining laws that affect the right to freedom of expression, association and assembly, arguing they violate regional and international norms.
Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) said banning Maseko’s work has very troubling implications for national healing, reconciliation and integration in Zimbabwe.
“It is too early for us to say that the government has embraced democratic principles as they will have by now aligned the laws in line with the provisions in the new constitution, ” ZLHR spokesperson Kumbirai Mafunda told IPS.
“We expect this government to adopt modern laws and model standards that inform modern democratic societies. Zimbabweans must not be persecuted and prosecuted for free expression.”
Citing the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act and the Public Order and Security Act as some of the laws used in the past to deny people their rights to freedom expression, association and peaceful assembly, Amnesty International says in its November 2013 report that Zimbabwe should improve its poor human rights record.
“The new Constitution offers a golden opportunity for the government to begin to right the wrongs of the past, to deliver justice for its people and to allow freedom of expression,” said Noel Kututwa, Amnesty International’s deputy director for Southern Africa. — IPS.
Bafana is a multiple award-winning correspondent based in Bulawayo with extensive experience in environmental and business journalism and online reporting.
Owen Maseko’s art is equally provocative and political. A 2012 painting of a bespectacled man emerging from a television set with long outstretched arms is a depiction of the bad news of the killings in Matabeleland and Midlands by government forces in 1983, which President Robert Mugabe has described as a “moment of madness”.
Daring and bold define the works of Mhlanga and Maseko, whose liberal yet dissenting artistic voices have made them personae non grata in Zimbabwe’s art circles.
Mhlanga and Maseko have been harassed, arrested and detained for criticising the government — but they have not stopped doing what they love.
Zimbabwe is widely perceived as having repressive laws on freedom of expression, association and the media. According to Amnesty International, the country is not walking the talk in practising human rights, guaranteed under a new Constitution launched in August 2013.
The Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act of 2005 has been used to silence critics. The law was put to test in October 2013 when the country’s Constitutional Court ruled that sections were unconstitutional and should be scrapped.
In his ruling, Deputy Chief Justice Luke Malaba criticised government prosecutors for abusing the law, saying the country’s National Prosecuting Authority should not be “prosecuting matters in which statements were uttered in drinking halls and other social places, as the pursuit of such frivolous matters only served to bring disrespect on the Office of the President.”
While civil society organisations and lawyers commend the Constitutional Court for taking a big step in securing freedom of expression and the rule of law, Mhlanga and Maseko have suffered persecution, humiliation and isolation.
“Once you have a government that bans you as an individual and people do not see your work but see you as a controversial and problematic figure, you do not get far,” Mhlanga, the founder and artistic director of the Amakhosi Cultural Centre and performing arts academy, told IPS.
“It is not wrong to be critical because it helps everyone but there is a misconception that when you talk about rule of law in Zimbabwe you are referring to regime change. That is the biggest misconception there is because we are dealing with people who only understand their political positions and not the laws, especially under our new constitution.”
Mhlanga describes his work as one story of governance and transparency, and his plays offer a social commentary on politics, corruption, human rights abuses, dictatorship and dispossession. A number have been banned from the stage, earning him a reputation for not shying away from controversy.
The 1983 satirical play Members was prophetic of Zimbabwe’s current politics. Infighting has rocked the ruling Zanu PF as separate camps jockey for a candidate to succeed Mugabe, who has indicated that he will serve his current five-year term of office to 2018.
Opposition parties who fared badly in the July 2013 elections are now more divided than they were in the 2008 elections.
Mhlanga’s play Nansi Le Ndoda, which toured Botswana in 1985, introduced him to the national and international stage with its didactic message about corruption.
Stitsha mirrored the controversial land policies that have divided Zimbabweans today, with claims that reforms have led to poor agricultural productivity and food insecurity.
Workshop Negative highlighted the conflict between rich and poor as a result of political patronage. It was banned.
“I write plays because I am stubborn about issues, not because the plays are appreciated,” said Mhlanga, lamenting that because of his work the government was not comfortable supporting any projects and graduates from his academy.
“I am affected because this persecution slows down new thoughts I would like to bring to society because society is developed by thoughts. Thought leadership does not come from a group of people but it can come from simple individuals as I write to advise and help correct what I find wrong in our society.”
Maseko has suffered personally and professionally since his Gukurahundi Exhibition held at the National Gallery in Bulawayo in 2009 was shut down by the police after it premiered.
Today the section of the gallery housing the exhibition is a crime scene despite the Constitutional Court ruling that Maseko’s arrest was unconstitutional.
“The freedom to express oneself does not come free because I have paid for it with my work,” Maseko told IPS at his home studio in Bulawayo.
“While I have been able to do international exhibitions, I have not been able to function in Zimbabwe as no one wants to work with me or be associated with me.”
Maseko laments that his family lives in worry that he might be arrested again to suffer a worse fate. The Minister of Defence, who in November 2013 was summoned by the Constitutional Court to justify Maseko’s prosecution, has since appealed the ruling.
“My celebration of being a free man has been short-lived and I do not know when this matter will be heard. It could be next year or never,” said Maseko.
“Art appreciation is important and critical. If a lot of people start appreciating art then all the laws about the freedom of expression might possibly be challenged and changed.”
The Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe has urged government to immediately repeal the remaining laws that affect the right to freedom of expression, association and assembly, arguing they violate regional and international norms.
Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) said banning Maseko’s work has very troubling implications for national healing, reconciliation and integration in Zimbabwe.
“It is too early for us to say that the government has embraced democratic principles as they will have by now aligned the laws in line with the provisions in the new constitution, ” ZLHR spokesperson Kumbirai Mafunda told IPS.
“We expect this government to adopt modern laws and model standards that inform modern democratic societies. Zimbabweans must not be persecuted and prosecuted for free expression.”
Citing the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act and the Public Order and Security Act as some of the laws used in the past to deny people their rights to freedom expression, association and peaceful assembly, Amnesty International says in its November 2013 report that Zimbabwe should improve its poor human rights record.
“The new Constitution offers a golden opportunity for the government to begin to right the wrongs of the past, to deliver justice for its people and to allow freedom of expression,” said Noel Kututwa, Amnesty International’s deputy director for Southern Africa. — IPS.
Bafana is a multiple award-winning correspondent based in Bulawayo with extensive experience in environmental and business journalism and online reporting.
Mzila-Ndlovu vows to seek Gukurahundi Justice
EX-NATIONAL Healing co-minister
Moses Mzila-Ndlovu has declared that
he will never lose his voice in
demanding justice for Gukurahundi
victims.
Mzila-Ndlovu, an outspoken critic of
President Robert Mugabe and the
Gukurahundi genocide, was arrested
several times since the formation of
the inclusive government for speaking
about the 1980s disturbances.
At one time he declared the arrests
only served to harden him and dared
the police to continue arresting him as
he would never keep quiet about the
atrocities until some form of justice
was achieved.
Mzila-Ndlovu, a senior member of the
MDC led by Welshman Ncube, said it
was only through openly speaking
about the massacres that victims
could find closure.
However, since Mzila-Ndlovu lost his
Bulilima West seat to Zanu PF, he has
been keeping a low profile which he
attributed to the low media coverage
he was now getting.
"The kind of media coverage that we
used to get before the elections is
different to the one that we get now.
Maybe the media has shifted focus
and this may sound to the general
public as if I lost my voice after the
elections," Mzila-Ndlovu.
State security agents have previously
stifled debate on Gukurahundi
resulting in several politicians, civil
society activists, media personnel and
members of the clergy being arrested
or harassed for raising the matter.
Bulawayo–based visual artist Owen
Maseko was incarcerated for holding
an art exhibition depicting the horrors
of Gukurahundi.
Mzila-Ndlovu said he would remain
outspoken over Gukurahundi until
there was justice.
"It is inconceivable to suggest that I
will keep quiet because of the July 31
elections outcome. The issues that I
was articulating before still remain
unresolved and as such, Mzila-Ndlovu
will keep calling for justice. It is not my
fight, but a fight for every
Zimbabwean seeking justice for
human rights violations," Mzila-
Ndlovu said.
The Catholic Commission for Justice
and Peace has said that at least 20 000
people, including children and
pregnant mothers, were killed in the
genocide that only ended after the
then opposition Zapu leader the late
Vice-President Joshua Nkomo signed
a Unity Accord with Zanu PF in 1987.
Official reports on the massacres have
never been made public and
discussion on the operation
suppressed.
The closest Mugabe came to even
acknowledging Gukurahundi was
when he termed the period "a
moment of madness".
Moses Mzila-Ndlovu has declared that
he will never lose his voice in
demanding justice for Gukurahundi
victims.
Mzila-Ndlovu, an outspoken critic of
President Robert Mugabe and the
Gukurahundi genocide, was arrested
several times since the formation of
the inclusive government for speaking
about the 1980s disturbances.
At one time he declared the arrests
only served to harden him and dared
the police to continue arresting him as
he would never keep quiet about the
atrocities until some form of justice
was achieved.
Mzila-Ndlovu, a senior member of the
MDC led by Welshman Ncube, said it
was only through openly speaking
about the massacres that victims
could find closure.
However, since Mzila-Ndlovu lost his
Bulilima West seat to Zanu PF, he has
been keeping a low profile which he
attributed to the low media coverage
he was now getting.
"The kind of media coverage that we
used to get before the elections is
different to the one that we get now.
Maybe the media has shifted focus
and this may sound to the general
public as if I lost my voice after the
elections," Mzila-Ndlovu.
State security agents have previously
stifled debate on Gukurahundi
resulting in several politicians, civil
society activists, media personnel and
members of the clergy being arrested
or harassed for raising the matter.
Bulawayo–based visual artist Owen
Maseko was incarcerated for holding
an art exhibition depicting the horrors
of Gukurahundi.
Mzila-Ndlovu said he would remain
outspoken over Gukurahundi until
there was justice.
"It is inconceivable to suggest that I
will keep quiet because of the July 31
elections outcome. The issues that I
was articulating before still remain
unresolved and as such, Mzila-Ndlovu
will keep calling for justice. It is not my
fight, but a fight for every
Zimbabwean seeking justice for
human rights violations," Mzila-
Ndlovu said.
The Catholic Commission for Justice
and Peace has said that at least 20 000
people, including children and
pregnant mothers, were killed in the
genocide that only ended after the
then opposition Zapu leader the late
Vice-President Joshua Nkomo signed
a Unity Accord with Zanu PF in 1987.
Official reports on the massacres have
never been made public and
discussion on the operation
suppressed.
The closest Mugabe came to even
acknowledging Gukurahundi was
when he termed the period "a
moment of madness".
CONCERNED MTHWAKAZI COMMUNITY, SEEKS THE RESTORATION OF IDENTITY
Embassy of the Republic of Zimbabwe
Ambassador Extraordinary & Plenipotentiary –
Mr Phelekezela Mphoko
Zimbabwe House
798 Merton Street
Arcadia
0083
Pretoria
Postal Add:
P O Box 55140
Arcadia
0007
Pretoria
Tel: 012 342 5125
Fax: 012 342 5126
Cellphone: +27 73 162 3070
Email: mphokosnr@yahoo.ca
The Honourable President His Excellency R.G Mugabe
The Honourable ministers and all stakeholders
As the Mthwakazians, the Ndebele community. We summoned Mr Phelekezela Mphoko to deliver this petition to the President of Zimbabwe and His cabinet ministers.
After the arrest of cultural activists Miss Prudence Moyo and Mr Albert Gumede at the Joshua Mqabuko Nkomo International Airport on the 22nd of December 2013, we felt the need to fully define Mthwakazi for you.
Enclosed are: The Inter-Cultural Society, The Economic, Social and Cultural Development of Mthwakazi before the Conquest.
The Ethics of Mthwakazi, Social System, and The Economy: Crop Farming: Agricultural Scenario, Food Security, The Mining Industry and The Religion of Mthwakazi, Academic Education and The Flag of Mthwakazi amongst others.
MTHWAKAZI
As a proud Mthwakazian nation, we would like to deeply express our concerns, explain our existence and clarify as well as justify our identity. We are a nation, not only that, but a nation which seeks the autonomy to practice its rights and freedom. It is nothing new that Mthwakazi exists but we are seeing our people being targeted, questioned and interrogated for mentioning their identity and or even wearing t-shirts with the name Mthwakazi. We hereby seek to make clarity to the government of Zimbabwe that we are not a political organisation or any organisation of such sort, therefore we kindly ask the government to honour and respect our cultural and other related practices. All that we are upto is the restoration of the Ndebele cultures and norms.
We understand that it is our right to practice our culture. We have seen the deterioration of our values therefore we seek to alleviate the situation. We cannot shy away from the fact that there might be some political parties that bear the name Mthwakazi, but let it be clear to the government from today that not all of us are in that political stand, lest the nation of Zimbabwe and its security structures be oblivious of the nature of Mthwakazi. We are asking that we be respected and not threatened, should we be practicing our cultures and or restoring them. The new generation needs to be taught of such things that brought up the nation of Mthwakazi recognized by the Jameson line of 1891.
We are a people that abide by the rules, should they be practiced in a fair and accommodative manner. We will continue wearing our T-shirts and the traditional attire made of hide and clothes, as is our right. That we carry clubs and knobkerries does not narrate that we are a violent people. May the government obey the practices of our culture! Mentioning of the Jameson line is not meant for the wrong reasons but to make frank and loud our cry as well as to emphasise and prove that the nation of Mthwakazi exist comprising of at least 15 multi-cultural backgrounds. Below are the clean laments to the existence of Mthwakazi:
THE WORD MTHWAKAZI
This word Mthwakazi was derived from the name of Queen Mu-Thwa, the first ruler of the Mthwakazi territory who ruled around 7,000 years ago. She was the matriarch of the Aba-Thwa, the San people who were derogatively called the Bushmen by the British conquerors. The deposed Nation of Mthwakazi is a land between Limpopo and Zambezi Rivers in Southern Africa which was derogatorily called Matabeleleland by the British conquerors.
The Homeland of the Inter-Cultural Society of Mthwakazi The territory of Mthwakazi was evolved through both geographical and historical factors:
GEOGRAPHICAL Factors:
Geographically, Mthwakazi is a drought prone country east of the Kalahari Desert, which is characterized by erratic rainfall which made it unfavourable for settlement to the pre-colonial communal societies of Southern Africa. Long ago it was mainly used for south and north migration between Southern Africa and Central Africa. However for the post-industrial revolution society, it is a wonderful treasure of natural resources ranging from minerals, wildlife game, timber forests, grasslands and tourist resources. It is a spacious land without overpopulation.
HISTORICAL Factors
Historically, the homeland was a sanctuary for the overwhelmed and peripheral clicks and clans from the adjacent per-colonial Kingdoms of Southern Africa. Aba-Thwa, the San people are the earliest inhabitants of the land, and then from the north came the Tonga people, from the west the Tswana, from the south the Venda, Sotho, the Nguni, and from the east the Karanga of Mthwakazi to integrate with Aba-Thwa, hence the creation of the Inter-Cultural Society of Mthwakazi.
The Territorial Status of Mthwakazi
Before the conquest of Mthwakazi by the British South Africa Company on 3rdNovember 1893, the territory was an independent Kingdom whose territorial integrity was governed by the treaties with the Transvaal and England the two states which shared the four common borders with the Kingdom of Mthwakazi. The boundaries conform to the Berlin Conference Agreement of 1885 as ratified by the Treaty of Versailles in 1919, consequently the United Nations in 1945.
The Treaty of Friendship with Transvaal (1887)
In July 1887, Mthwakazi and Transvaal made the Treaty of Friendship with Transvaal signed by King Lobhengula, the head of state of the Kingdom of Mthwakazi and Pieter Grobbler on behalf of Paul Kruger the Prime Minister of Transvaal. Its terms of reference of this Treaty included the agreement of Limpopo River as the boundary between the two countries.
The Moffat Treaty of Peace and Unity of 1888
On 11 February 1888, King Lobhengula and the British assistant commissioner for the Bechuanaland Protectorate, Reverent John Moffat on behalf of Sir Hercules Robinson the High Commissioner and Governor of the Cape, signed the Treaty of Peace and Unity between the ‘Great Queen of England’ and the ‘Mighty Elephant of Mthwakazi’. Lord Salisbury the British Prime Minister gave Robinson the authority to ratify the treaty on 25 June 1888. In this Moffat Treaty, Britain agreed on Zambezi River as the boundary of its protectorate Barotseland, and Shashi Ramaquabane Rivers as the boundary of its protectorate, .Bechuanaland (Botswana)
The Inter-Cultural Society of Mthwakazi
The people of Mthwakazi are an Inter-Cultural Society made of 15 multi-ethnic nationalities. They are the product of evolutionary emigration, colonial expansion and intermarriages. Basically they fall under five categories: the per-colonial black inhabitants, the European emigrants, the Asian emigrants, the black emigrants from the neighbouring states and the coloured people. This diverse community of fifteen multi-ethnic nationalities, in the alphabetical order are: Aba-Thwa – San or Basarwa, Asians, Black emigrants, Coloureds, Kalanga, Karanga of Mthwakazi, Nambya, Nguni, Shangwe, Sotho, Tonga, Tswana, Venda, White African and Xhosa.
The Economic, Social and Cultural Development of Mthwakazi before the Conquest
The Ethics of Mthwakazi
Basically the ethics of Mthwakazi are interwoven with the culture of egalitarianism and realism. The basis of the ethics is the truth, righteousness and morality. Laws and agreements were sealed by verbal promises. The norm was that promises are binding and it is taboo to break a promise. According to the traditional belief of Mthwakazi, all elders are messengers of angels. And when elders die they become the angels of God through whom the living people convey their prayers to God. These angels of God are aware of everything that happens around us and they appease God to deprive some blessings to those who venture in taboo activities. Desisting from taboo dealing was culturally in the blood of the compassionate Mthwakazi society.
It is from this stand point that strangers mistaken our modest and honesty for cowardice and weaknesses. This tendency of strangers features throughout in the history of our interaction with the British and the Zimbabweans. Almost all our fundamental agreements with them, fail because they break promises, cheat and trap us in canning spirits, and fail to realize that we are a simple, natural and faithful society.
Social System of Mthwakazi
The Kingdom of Mthwakazi was an egalitarian society practicing a communal social system of living under a democratic monarch through the guidance of the elders’ wisdom. All decisions were reached through universal participation in open assemblies which started at communal levels being presided over by village heads, whose decisions were channelled to the district levels under chiefs who fell under the king, who was the custodian of the communal assets.
The king was guided by the cultural morality that: “A human being exists because of the society. Therefore a king exists for the society” At all these social levels, open debates determined the outcome of all the matters through the consensus of the respective assemblies. These community conducted open debates and reached consensus, and made moral laws that were complied with voluntarily by all members of the society, even if there were no police or prisons to enforce the laws.
The Economic Mode
The land, natural resources and the cattle were regarded as the communal assets, while goats, sheep and poultry were domestic assets. The land was considered to belong to God and that He made it his gift to all the living creatures. There was division of labour according sex and age. Men were apportioned outdoor duties and drudgerous labour including the defence of the society while women did indoor duties and crop field work. Grown up boys looked after the grazing live stock and assisted their fathers in light duties, while girls looked after babies and assisted their mothers with light duties.
Major tasks were accomplished through work parties where a family with a big task would organize a work party in which neighbours would come in large numbers to work and feast after the work. The elderly were mainly responsible for the education and advice of the community. The tiny tots played games and learn t languages, culture, music, dance, wisdom and light work. Generally education went with work; the society socialized the off-spring through practical work as they grew. The people learnt to do things that helped them in life and there was no unemployment. The golden rule was: “The lazy one eats laziness”.
The Economy of Mthwakazi
Crop Farming:
Mthwakazi cultivated a wide variety of crops including corns, nuts, beans, vegetable, fruits, potatoes, melons, pumpkins, yams and tobacco. The white settlers were surprised and jealous about the economy of Mthwakazi and applied for living permits in great numbers.
Agricultural Scenario
The Missionary between 1859 and 1870 Rev T.M. Thomas wrote glowingly of: Gardens full of ripe maize, and various indigenous grains, of extensive fields of Indian corn and other cereals and of some valleys converted into the most fruitful gardens. In some areas cotton was grown from which Africans made durable garments, and that he knew of no village without tobacco garden. This was confirmed by Wilson the concession hunter who wrote in October 1887 about the African farming that: There is more stuff in the place, in the shape of cattle, sheep, goats, eggs, potatoes, rice, groundnuts, Indian corn and millet, poultry by the dozens, and milk and beer which the natives bring round to the white men’s wagons to sale.
Food Security
In addition to their farming skills, Mthwakazi had advanced indigenous storage techniques. One looting white settler described one of King Lobhengula’ s granary which was discovered when the Bulawayo railway station was being constructed saying that: Mthwakazi had underground granaries which were disguised, water and air tight , in which corn was preserved for many years. Mthwakazi stored up food enough to keep themselves active during the years of scarcity. The looter estimated that each granary held thirty 200 pounds bags (one pound is equals to 0.454kg Almost ½ a kg).
The Mining Industry of Mthwakazi
The Kingdom operated a flouring gold mining industry which was managed by James Dawson a white immigrant who was appointed as the King’s industrial advisor in 1884. Dawson made a number of gold claims for the Kingdom stretching from the west of Mfuli River. Some of the Kingdom’s mines had a five stamp-battery for crushing stones, before the invasion of Mthwakazi in 1893. One of the Kingdom’s stamp mill was sold by the BSA Co. to the pioneers in 1904. One remained in use until 1919.
The Occupations and Regional Trade of Mthwakazi
Mthwakazi was involved in a good deal of regional trade. There was a market for the thriving tobacco of Nyoka people in Gogwe at the Zambezi Valley, the Ngwato people in Botswana traded in grain, the Lemba people near Gaza land traded in copper and the San people from the Kalahari exchanged iron, spears, hoes and knives for ostrich-eggs, shell beads, ivory, feathers, horns and skins.
The Immigration Policy and Hospitality of Mthwakazi
The Kingdom of Mthwakazi had a friendly policy of immigration. It pursued lucrative free trade and agriculture. Encouraged by the peace and good order in the Kingdom and by the warm hospitality, white men from the south and the east came to Mthwakazi in increasing numbers. In 1872 the Kingdom granted the first hunting permit to European emigrant Frank Selous followed by. Hartley, Finaughty, Leask including dozens of Afrikaners who were also granted hunting permits. Another immigrant, Johnny Ugly got the first permit for an engineering workshop. James Fairburn was issued with a trading store permit, with his partner Jimmy Dawson. Fairburn was later employed as the immigration advisor in issues of the integrity of the incoming white settlers. He also designed the Royal seal and the Kingdom’s flag. Jimmy Dawson was employed as the General Manager of the Royal Mines. Missionaries came in large numbers to build schools and preach Christianity. The friendly hospitality of Mthwakazi also attracted the colonialists.
The Religion of Mthwakazi
Religiously all the Africans believed in communicating with the creator through ancestral spirits. The African belief was that God was unknowable to the living people, and was neither a male nor female, did punished sinner while they were still alive and gave blessings on earth to those who desist from taboo activities. Hence Africans feared anything that is taboo.
The Social Security of Mthwakazi
The social security of Mthwakazi was based on humanity and a belief that: “A human being exists because of the society. He who does not own cattle will drink milk from the society”. Compassion was in the centre of socialization of children. From childhood people learnt that causing misery was taboo. All the unfair things were classified as being taboo and fellowship started from kinship to the national level. The foundation of the social system of Mthwakazi was the extended family which formed the support system of the society in all walks of life. The support system in extended families had no limit. It stemmed from the axiom of fellowship that; “Everyone in the peer group of one’s father is a father, in one’s mother is a mother, like wise to one’s brother and sister: therefore every man is a partner and a friend” Extended families supported each other in both difficult times during bereavement and disasters and during times of joy, when people came together in weddings and birthdays etc. to share memorable occasions.
The vulnerable people were assisted obligatory. Families without children were given children by those with many. E.g. someone without a boy child adopted a boy from another member of the extended family and the one without a girl child did so. In such adoptions the child was treated with full parent love as if it was their own and had right of inheritance within that family. It was the same for a widow who needed help with outdoor duties; the extended family would have special days devoted to the work of such a widow, so on and so forth. That applied to stranded travellers who were accorded full hospitality including provision for food to eat on his way. This system of social system effectively reduced the crime rate in the Kingdom and consolidated the spirit of fellowship.
Academic Education
In 1829, King Mzilikazi sent two Envoys to the London Missionary Society at Kurumani in South Africa, to negotiate a contract of building schools to teach the Mthwakazi children academic education. In 1858 the first school for the Kingdom called Inyathi Boys School was built, the second school, Hope Fountain Girls School was commissioned by King Lobhengula in 1875, he commissioned a third school built by the Roman Catholic called I-Mpandeni Mission in 1887.
The Flag of Mthwakazi
The Flag of Mthwakazi was a rectangle white cloth with a black elephant at the right hand bottom corner overlooking the rainbow at the left hand top corner of the white cloth. (The flag was designed in 1888 for the use by the Royal Navy which was supposed to patrol the Zambezi River flying it high like the King Leopold’s patrol boat in the Congo River but was never used because the contract of delivering the gun boat was breached by the BSA Co. The Naval Base of the Kingdom was designated to be located at the confluence of Deka and Zambezi Rivers. The patrol boat would have made the Zambezi River border patrol, starting from near the rainbow of Mansotunya i.e. Victoria Falls going to the east up to Sanyati River where it would return floating towards the everlasting rainbow).
The Summary
This was our free Nation of Mthwakazi, characterized with fraternity, tranquillity and hospitality. All the birthright of Mthwakazi was lost through the conquest on 3 November 1893, and since that day the Inter-Cultural Society of Mthwakazi has never experienced fundamental freedoms, human rights and self-determination. The society has perpetually toiled and moiled under the “Rule by Conquest”. It is now 118 years. This is the era of experiencing endless torture, various cruel, inhuman and degrading treatments under the 93 years sentence of being a stateless society without franchise, by the British highest court of law, the Privy Council. This court judgment of 29 July 1918 is still effective today, rendering us to remain under the “Rule by Conquest” in violation of the United Nations Charter and its principles.
We take this opportunity to highlight and expose the dangers of ignoring locals in various government institutes. The worst thing you can do to every individual is spelling his or her name and surname badly, there is no surname like Ndhlovu amongst Mthwakazians, no names like Sipatisiwe! It ought to be Ndlovu and Siphathisiwe. Tantamount to the fate when you ask us to write Masvingo and we write Maswingo.
We have streets and locations misspelt as: Lobengula, Pumula etc, when they are supposed to be Phumula and Lobhengula. Places misspelt as Kezi instead of Khezi, Tjolotjo instead of Tsholotsho etc.
Page 3 heading in our passports reads: ‘IMITHETHO YOKUPIWA KWEPASIPOTI.’ In Ndebele that has to be atleast written as follows; ( IMITHETHO YOKUPHIWA KWEPHASIPOTI )
In Page 48 we quote: ‘Akuvhunyelwa ukubhala epejini le ngaphandle kwamaBhanga eZimbabwe afanele afake isidhindo duzane kwaloko okubhaliweyo.’ It should have been: ‘Akuvunyelwa ukubhala ekhasini leli ngaphandle kwamabhanga eZimbabwe afanele afake isidindo duzane kwalokho okubhaliweyo’
There is nothing called ‘ukupiwa, akuvhunyelwa, isidhindo and kwaloko’ in Ndebele.
We are looking forward to your response to this letter; your co-operation will be highly appreciated. The Ndebele community also expects a response from you regarding the ZIMSEC 2013 Grade 7 Ndebele Paper because we expect you to do more in preserving the Ndebele language which is the main identity of our culture.
Ndebele Community
Ambassador Extraordinary & Plenipotentiary –
Mr Phelekezela Mphoko
Zimbabwe House
798 Merton Street
Arcadia
0083
Pretoria
Postal Add:
P O Box 55140
Arcadia
0007
Pretoria
Tel: 012 342 5125
Fax: 012 342 5126
Cellphone: +27 73 162 3070
Email: mphokosnr@yahoo.ca
The Honourable President His Excellency R.G Mugabe
The Honourable ministers and all stakeholders
As the Mthwakazians, the Ndebele community. We summoned Mr Phelekezela Mphoko to deliver this petition to the President of Zimbabwe and His cabinet ministers.
After the arrest of cultural activists Miss Prudence Moyo and Mr Albert Gumede at the Joshua Mqabuko Nkomo International Airport on the 22nd of December 2013, we felt the need to fully define Mthwakazi for you.
Enclosed are: The Inter-Cultural Society, The Economic, Social and Cultural Development of Mthwakazi before the Conquest.
The Ethics of Mthwakazi, Social System, and The Economy: Crop Farming: Agricultural Scenario, Food Security, The Mining Industry and The Religion of Mthwakazi, Academic Education and The Flag of Mthwakazi amongst others.
MTHWAKAZI
As a proud Mthwakazian nation, we would like to deeply express our concerns, explain our existence and clarify as well as justify our identity. We are a nation, not only that, but a nation which seeks the autonomy to practice its rights and freedom. It is nothing new that Mthwakazi exists but we are seeing our people being targeted, questioned and interrogated for mentioning their identity and or even wearing t-shirts with the name Mthwakazi. We hereby seek to make clarity to the government of Zimbabwe that we are not a political organisation or any organisation of such sort, therefore we kindly ask the government to honour and respect our cultural and other related practices. All that we are upto is the restoration of the Ndebele cultures and norms.
We understand that it is our right to practice our culture. We have seen the deterioration of our values therefore we seek to alleviate the situation. We cannot shy away from the fact that there might be some political parties that bear the name Mthwakazi, but let it be clear to the government from today that not all of us are in that political stand, lest the nation of Zimbabwe and its security structures be oblivious of the nature of Mthwakazi. We are asking that we be respected and not threatened, should we be practicing our cultures and or restoring them. The new generation needs to be taught of such things that brought up the nation of Mthwakazi recognized by the Jameson line of 1891.
We are a people that abide by the rules, should they be practiced in a fair and accommodative manner. We will continue wearing our T-shirts and the traditional attire made of hide and clothes, as is our right. That we carry clubs and knobkerries does not narrate that we are a violent people. May the government obey the practices of our culture! Mentioning of the Jameson line is not meant for the wrong reasons but to make frank and loud our cry as well as to emphasise and prove that the nation of Mthwakazi exist comprising of at least 15 multi-cultural backgrounds. Below are the clean laments to the existence of Mthwakazi:
THE WORD MTHWAKAZI
This word Mthwakazi was derived from the name of Queen Mu-Thwa, the first ruler of the Mthwakazi territory who ruled around 7,000 years ago. She was the matriarch of the Aba-Thwa, the San people who were derogatively called the Bushmen by the British conquerors. The deposed Nation of Mthwakazi is a land between Limpopo and Zambezi Rivers in Southern Africa which was derogatorily called Matabeleleland by the British conquerors.
The Homeland of the Inter-Cultural Society of Mthwakazi The territory of Mthwakazi was evolved through both geographical and historical factors:
GEOGRAPHICAL Factors:
Geographically, Mthwakazi is a drought prone country east of the Kalahari Desert, which is characterized by erratic rainfall which made it unfavourable for settlement to the pre-colonial communal societies of Southern Africa. Long ago it was mainly used for south and north migration between Southern Africa and Central Africa. However for the post-industrial revolution society, it is a wonderful treasure of natural resources ranging from minerals, wildlife game, timber forests, grasslands and tourist resources. It is a spacious land without overpopulation.
HISTORICAL Factors
Historically, the homeland was a sanctuary for the overwhelmed and peripheral clicks and clans from the adjacent per-colonial Kingdoms of Southern Africa. Aba-Thwa, the San people are the earliest inhabitants of the land, and then from the north came the Tonga people, from the west the Tswana, from the south the Venda, Sotho, the Nguni, and from the east the Karanga of Mthwakazi to integrate with Aba-Thwa, hence the creation of the Inter-Cultural Society of Mthwakazi.
The Territorial Status of Mthwakazi
Before the conquest of Mthwakazi by the British South Africa Company on 3rdNovember 1893, the territory was an independent Kingdom whose territorial integrity was governed by the treaties with the Transvaal and England the two states which shared the four common borders with the Kingdom of Mthwakazi. The boundaries conform to the Berlin Conference Agreement of 1885 as ratified by the Treaty of Versailles in 1919, consequently the United Nations in 1945.
The Treaty of Friendship with Transvaal (1887)
In July 1887, Mthwakazi and Transvaal made the Treaty of Friendship with Transvaal signed by King Lobhengula, the head of state of the Kingdom of Mthwakazi and Pieter Grobbler on behalf of Paul Kruger the Prime Minister of Transvaal. Its terms of reference of this Treaty included the agreement of Limpopo River as the boundary between the two countries.
The Moffat Treaty of Peace and Unity of 1888
On 11 February 1888, King Lobhengula and the British assistant commissioner for the Bechuanaland Protectorate, Reverent John Moffat on behalf of Sir Hercules Robinson the High Commissioner and Governor of the Cape, signed the Treaty of Peace and Unity between the ‘Great Queen of England’ and the ‘Mighty Elephant of Mthwakazi’. Lord Salisbury the British Prime Minister gave Robinson the authority to ratify the treaty on 25 June 1888. In this Moffat Treaty, Britain agreed on Zambezi River as the boundary of its protectorate Barotseland, and Shashi Ramaquabane Rivers as the boundary of its protectorate, .Bechuanaland (Botswana)
The Inter-Cultural Society of Mthwakazi
The people of Mthwakazi are an Inter-Cultural Society made of 15 multi-ethnic nationalities. They are the product of evolutionary emigration, colonial expansion and intermarriages. Basically they fall under five categories: the per-colonial black inhabitants, the European emigrants, the Asian emigrants, the black emigrants from the neighbouring states and the coloured people. This diverse community of fifteen multi-ethnic nationalities, in the alphabetical order are: Aba-Thwa – San or Basarwa, Asians, Black emigrants, Coloureds, Kalanga, Karanga of Mthwakazi, Nambya, Nguni, Shangwe, Sotho, Tonga, Tswana, Venda, White African and Xhosa.
The Economic, Social and Cultural Development of Mthwakazi before the Conquest
The Ethics of Mthwakazi
Basically the ethics of Mthwakazi are interwoven with the culture of egalitarianism and realism. The basis of the ethics is the truth, righteousness and morality. Laws and agreements were sealed by verbal promises. The norm was that promises are binding and it is taboo to break a promise. According to the traditional belief of Mthwakazi, all elders are messengers of angels. And when elders die they become the angels of God through whom the living people convey their prayers to God. These angels of God are aware of everything that happens around us and they appease God to deprive some blessings to those who venture in taboo activities. Desisting from taboo dealing was culturally in the blood of the compassionate Mthwakazi society.
It is from this stand point that strangers mistaken our modest and honesty for cowardice and weaknesses. This tendency of strangers features throughout in the history of our interaction with the British and the Zimbabweans. Almost all our fundamental agreements with them, fail because they break promises, cheat and trap us in canning spirits, and fail to realize that we are a simple, natural and faithful society.
Social System of Mthwakazi
The Kingdom of Mthwakazi was an egalitarian society practicing a communal social system of living under a democratic monarch through the guidance of the elders’ wisdom. All decisions were reached through universal participation in open assemblies which started at communal levels being presided over by village heads, whose decisions were channelled to the district levels under chiefs who fell under the king, who was the custodian of the communal assets.
The king was guided by the cultural morality that: “A human being exists because of the society. Therefore a king exists for the society” At all these social levels, open debates determined the outcome of all the matters through the consensus of the respective assemblies. These community conducted open debates and reached consensus, and made moral laws that were complied with voluntarily by all members of the society, even if there were no police or prisons to enforce the laws.
The Economic Mode
The land, natural resources and the cattle were regarded as the communal assets, while goats, sheep and poultry were domestic assets. The land was considered to belong to God and that He made it his gift to all the living creatures. There was division of labour according sex and age. Men were apportioned outdoor duties and drudgerous labour including the defence of the society while women did indoor duties and crop field work. Grown up boys looked after the grazing live stock and assisted their fathers in light duties, while girls looked after babies and assisted their mothers with light duties.
Major tasks were accomplished through work parties where a family with a big task would organize a work party in which neighbours would come in large numbers to work and feast after the work. The elderly were mainly responsible for the education and advice of the community. The tiny tots played games and learn t languages, culture, music, dance, wisdom and light work. Generally education went with work; the society socialized the off-spring through practical work as they grew. The people learnt to do things that helped them in life and there was no unemployment. The golden rule was: “The lazy one eats laziness”.
The Economy of Mthwakazi
Crop Farming:
Mthwakazi cultivated a wide variety of crops including corns, nuts, beans, vegetable, fruits, potatoes, melons, pumpkins, yams and tobacco. The white settlers were surprised and jealous about the economy of Mthwakazi and applied for living permits in great numbers.
Agricultural Scenario
The Missionary between 1859 and 1870 Rev T.M. Thomas wrote glowingly of: Gardens full of ripe maize, and various indigenous grains, of extensive fields of Indian corn and other cereals and of some valleys converted into the most fruitful gardens. In some areas cotton was grown from which Africans made durable garments, and that he knew of no village without tobacco garden. This was confirmed by Wilson the concession hunter who wrote in October 1887 about the African farming that: There is more stuff in the place, in the shape of cattle, sheep, goats, eggs, potatoes, rice, groundnuts, Indian corn and millet, poultry by the dozens, and milk and beer which the natives bring round to the white men’s wagons to sale.
Food Security
In addition to their farming skills, Mthwakazi had advanced indigenous storage techniques. One looting white settler described one of King Lobhengula’ s granary which was discovered when the Bulawayo railway station was being constructed saying that: Mthwakazi had underground granaries which were disguised, water and air tight , in which corn was preserved for many years. Mthwakazi stored up food enough to keep themselves active during the years of scarcity. The looter estimated that each granary held thirty 200 pounds bags (one pound is equals to 0.454kg Almost ½ a kg).
The Mining Industry of Mthwakazi
The Kingdom operated a flouring gold mining industry which was managed by James Dawson a white immigrant who was appointed as the King’s industrial advisor in 1884. Dawson made a number of gold claims for the Kingdom stretching from the west of Mfuli River. Some of the Kingdom’s mines had a five stamp-battery for crushing stones, before the invasion of Mthwakazi in 1893. One of the Kingdom’s stamp mill was sold by the BSA Co. to the pioneers in 1904. One remained in use until 1919.
The Occupations and Regional Trade of Mthwakazi
Mthwakazi was involved in a good deal of regional trade. There was a market for the thriving tobacco of Nyoka people in Gogwe at the Zambezi Valley, the Ngwato people in Botswana traded in grain, the Lemba people near Gaza land traded in copper and the San people from the Kalahari exchanged iron, spears, hoes and knives for ostrich-eggs, shell beads, ivory, feathers, horns and skins.
The Immigration Policy and Hospitality of Mthwakazi
The Kingdom of Mthwakazi had a friendly policy of immigration. It pursued lucrative free trade and agriculture. Encouraged by the peace and good order in the Kingdom and by the warm hospitality, white men from the south and the east came to Mthwakazi in increasing numbers. In 1872 the Kingdom granted the first hunting permit to European emigrant Frank Selous followed by. Hartley, Finaughty, Leask including dozens of Afrikaners who were also granted hunting permits. Another immigrant, Johnny Ugly got the first permit for an engineering workshop. James Fairburn was issued with a trading store permit, with his partner Jimmy Dawson. Fairburn was later employed as the immigration advisor in issues of the integrity of the incoming white settlers. He also designed the Royal seal and the Kingdom’s flag. Jimmy Dawson was employed as the General Manager of the Royal Mines. Missionaries came in large numbers to build schools and preach Christianity. The friendly hospitality of Mthwakazi also attracted the colonialists.
The Religion of Mthwakazi
Religiously all the Africans believed in communicating with the creator through ancestral spirits. The African belief was that God was unknowable to the living people, and was neither a male nor female, did punished sinner while they were still alive and gave blessings on earth to those who desist from taboo activities. Hence Africans feared anything that is taboo.
The Social Security of Mthwakazi
The social security of Mthwakazi was based on humanity and a belief that: “A human being exists because of the society. He who does not own cattle will drink milk from the society”. Compassion was in the centre of socialization of children. From childhood people learnt that causing misery was taboo. All the unfair things were classified as being taboo and fellowship started from kinship to the national level. The foundation of the social system of Mthwakazi was the extended family which formed the support system of the society in all walks of life. The support system in extended families had no limit. It stemmed from the axiom of fellowship that; “Everyone in the peer group of one’s father is a father, in one’s mother is a mother, like wise to one’s brother and sister: therefore every man is a partner and a friend” Extended families supported each other in both difficult times during bereavement and disasters and during times of joy, when people came together in weddings and birthdays etc. to share memorable occasions.
The vulnerable people were assisted obligatory. Families without children were given children by those with many. E.g. someone without a boy child adopted a boy from another member of the extended family and the one without a girl child did so. In such adoptions the child was treated with full parent love as if it was their own and had right of inheritance within that family. It was the same for a widow who needed help with outdoor duties; the extended family would have special days devoted to the work of such a widow, so on and so forth. That applied to stranded travellers who were accorded full hospitality including provision for food to eat on his way. This system of social system effectively reduced the crime rate in the Kingdom and consolidated the spirit of fellowship.
Academic Education
In 1829, King Mzilikazi sent two Envoys to the London Missionary Society at Kurumani in South Africa, to negotiate a contract of building schools to teach the Mthwakazi children academic education. In 1858 the first school for the Kingdom called Inyathi Boys School was built, the second school, Hope Fountain Girls School was commissioned by King Lobhengula in 1875, he commissioned a third school built by the Roman Catholic called I-Mpandeni Mission in 1887.
The Flag of Mthwakazi
The Flag of Mthwakazi was a rectangle white cloth with a black elephant at the right hand bottom corner overlooking the rainbow at the left hand top corner of the white cloth. (The flag was designed in 1888 for the use by the Royal Navy which was supposed to patrol the Zambezi River flying it high like the King Leopold’s patrol boat in the Congo River but was never used because the contract of delivering the gun boat was breached by the BSA Co. The Naval Base of the Kingdom was designated to be located at the confluence of Deka and Zambezi Rivers. The patrol boat would have made the Zambezi River border patrol, starting from near the rainbow of Mansotunya i.e. Victoria Falls going to the east up to Sanyati River where it would return floating towards the everlasting rainbow).
The Summary
This was our free Nation of Mthwakazi, characterized with fraternity, tranquillity and hospitality. All the birthright of Mthwakazi was lost through the conquest on 3 November 1893, and since that day the Inter-Cultural Society of Mthwakazi has never experienced fundamental freedoms, human rights and self-determination. The society has perpetually toiled and moiled under the “Rule by Conquest”. It is now 118 years. This is the era of experiencing endless torture, various cruel, inhuman and degrading treatments under the 93 years sentence of being a stateless society without franchise, by the British highest court of law, the Privy Council. This court judgment of 29 July 1918 is still effective today, rendering us to remain under the “Rule by Conquest” in violation of the United Nations Charter and its principles.
We take this opportunity to highlight and expose the dangers of ignoring locals in various government institutes. The worst thing you can do to every individual is spelling his or her name and surname badly, there is no surname like Ndhlovu amongst Mthwakazians, no names like Sipatisiwe! It ought to be Ndlovu and Siphathisiwe. Tantamount to the fate when you ask us to write Masvingo and we write Maswingo.
We have streets and locations misspelt as: Lobengula, Pumula etc, when they are supposed to be Phumula and Lobhengula. Places misspelt as Kezi instead of Khezi, Tjolotjo instead of Tsholotsho etc.
Page 3 heading in our passports reads: ‘IMITHETHO YOKUPIWA KWEPASIPOTI.’ In Ndebele that has to be atleast written as follows; ( IMITHETHO YOKUPHIWA KWEPHASIPOTI )
In Page 48 we quote: ‘Akuvhunyelwa ukubhala epejini le ngaphandle kwamaBhanga eZimbabwe afanele afake isidhindo duzane kwaloko okubhaliweyo.’ It should have been: ‘Akuvunyelwa ukubhala ekhasini leli ngaphandle kwamabhanga eZimbabwe afanele afake isidindo duzane kwalokho okubhaliweyo’
There is nothing called ‘ukupiwa, akuvhunyelwa, isidhindo and kwaloko’ in Ndebele.
We are looking forward to your response to this letter; your co-operation will be highly appreciated. The Ndebele community also expects a response from you regarding the ZIMSEC 2013 Grade 7 Ndebele Paper because we expect you to do more in preserving the Ndebele language which is the main identity of our culture.
Ndebele Community
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