Rwanda genocide anniversary: Mass ahead of commemorations whilst its a crime in Zimbabwe to talk abt Gukurahundi

Mthwakazi will one day attain justice over Gukurahundi. Mthwakazi will one day commemorate Gukurahundi free from any intimidation.
Mthwakazi will one day celebrate mass to commemorate Gukurahundi.
Mthwakazi will one day tell the British to their face of their involvement in Gukurahundi.
Gukurahundi, ngeke sikhohlwe!

Report by BBC News Africa..

Hundreds of people have attended a Mass in the Rwandan capital ahead of a week of official mourning to mark the 20th anniversary of the country's genocide.

But a diplomatic row has seen France pull out of the commemorative events.

The Mass at Sainte-Famille Catholic church in Kigali remembered those who died in the church itself or elsewhere in the country.

At least 800,000 people - mostly ethnic Tutsis and moderate Hutus - died at the hands of Hutu extremists in 1994.

Most of the victims of the genocide were attacked with machetes during 100 days of slaughter that began on 6 April 1994, shortly after Hutu President Juvenal Habyarimana was killed when his plane was shot down over the Rwandan capital.

Some Christian leaders were implicated in the violence.

BBC Africa's Kassim Kayira explains the events that shook Rwanda in 1994

A genocide survivor who attended the Mass, Innocent Muhozi, said: "Today's Mass was about resurrection and I believe that one day, the souls of the people we lost will resurrect.

"This church has a very long history because many people died in it during genocide but some also survived it because they were in this church."

Pope Francis, in his weekly address to the faithful at St Peter's Square in the Vatican, spoke of the anniversary.

"On this occasion I would like to express my paternal closeness to the people of Rwanda, encouraging them to continue with determination and hope, the process of reconciliation that has already manifested its fruits, and the commitment of human and spiritual reconstruction of the country," the head of the Catholic Church said.

The killings in Rwanda ended in July 1994 when the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), a Tutsi-led rebel movement that entered the country from from Uganda, marched on Kigali and seized control of the country.
France pulls out

The French government announced it was pulling out of the 20th anniversary commemorations following an accusation by Rwandan President Paul Kagame - who led the RPF to victory - that France had participated in the mass killings.
File photo of Rwanda's President Paul Kagame speaking to journalists in the courtyard of the Elysee palace in Paris Kagame reportedly said France had a "direct role" in the "political preparation for genocide"

In an interview with the French-language weekly news magazine Jeune Afrique, Mr Kagame denounced the "direct role of Belgium and France in the political preparation for the genocide".

French Justice Minister Christiane Taubira cancelled her plans to attend the events in Kigali on Monday following the remarks.

The French foreign ministry said Mr Kagame's comments went against reconciliation efforts between the two countries.

Rwanda responded by accusing the French government of overreacting.

"For our two countries to really start getting along, we will have to face the truth. The truth is difficult, the truth of being close to anybody who is associated with genocide understandably is a very difficult truth to accept," Rwandan Foreign Minister Louise Mushikiwabo said.

Mr Kagame's party still controls the government and has long accused France - an ally of Mr Habyarimana's government at the time - of aiding the genocide.
This file picture taken 27 June 1994 shows French soldiers on patrol passing ethnic Hutu troops from the Rwandan government forces, near Gisenyie. Rwanda's government has long accused France - an ally of the previous regime - of aiding the genocide

In recent years there has been a thaw in relations between the two countries, with a visit by Mr Kagame to Paris in 2011 and the establishment by France of a genocide investigation unit.

Last month, a Paris court sentenced former Rwandan spy chief Pascal Simbikangwa to 25 years in jail for his role in the genocide - the first such conviction in France.

France has acknowledged that serious errors were made during the genocide in Rwanda.

A Rwandan commission in 2008 said France was aware of preparations for the genocide and helped train ethnic Hutu militias who participated in killings.

Paris said its forces had helped protect civilians as part of a UN-mandated intervention in Rwanda. But Mr Kagame said French troops had protected the militias carrying out the killings.

Aliqunywe Mthwakazi....

NKOMO'S SPEECH AT LOOKOUT MASUKU'S BURIAL

Touching speech by Mqabuko kungcwatshwa uMasuku

“Those who rule our country know inside themselves that Lookout played a very big
part in winning our struggle. And yet they let him die in prison.
I say he died in prison because he died on that bed on which he was detained.
It was not possible for him to leave that bed and it was not possible for you to see
him. Therefore, I say he died in prison. Why should men like Lookout and Dumiso, after being found innocent of any wrongdoing by the highest court in this land remain detained? When we ask we get the same answer from the Minister as we used to get from the Smith regime. Mafela, Lookout, after all his sacrifices, died a pauper in our own hands.
We cannot blame colonialism and imperialism for this tragedy.
We who fought against these things now practise them. Why? Why? Why? We are
enveloped in the politics of hate.
The amount of hate that is being preached today in this country is frightful.
What Zimbabwe fought for was peace, progress, love, respect, justice, equality,
not the opposite. And one of the worst evils we see today is corruption. The country bleeds today because of corruption.
It is appropriate that the site chosen for Lookout’s grave lies near a memorial
to those who fought against Hitler. Lookout fought against fascism, oppression,
tribalism and corruption. Any failure to dedicate ourselves to the ideals of
Masuku will be a betrayal of him and of all those freedom fighters whose graves are not known. Our country cannot progress on fear and false accusations which are
founded simply on the love of power. There is something radically wrong with our country today and we are moving, fast, towards destruction.
There is confusion and corruption and, let us be clear about it, we are seeing racism in reverse under false mirror of correcting imbalances from the past.
In the process we are creating worse things. We have created fear in the minds of some in our country.
We have made them feel unwanted, unsafe. Young men and women are on the streets of our cities. There is terrible unemployment. Life has become harsher
than ever before. People are referred to as squatters.
I hate the word. I do not hate the person. When people were moved under imperialism certain facilities like water were provided.
But under us? Nothing! You cannot build a country by firing people’s homes.
No country can live by slogans, pasi (down with) this and pasi that.
When you are ruling you should never say pasi to anyone. If there is something wrong with someone you must try to uplift him, not oppress him.
We cannot condemn other people and then do things even worse than they did.
Lookout was a brave man. He led the first group of guerrillas who returned
home at ceasefire. Lookout, lying quietly here in his coffin, fought to the last minute of his life for justice. It is his commitment to fair play that earned him his
incarceration. Some of you are tempted to give away your principles in order to conform.
Even the preachers are frightened to speak freely and they have to hide behind the name of Jesus. The fear that pervades the rulers has come down to the people and to the workers. There is too much conformity. People work and then they shut up.
We cannot go on this way.
People must be freed to be able to speak. We invite the clergy to be outspoken. Tell us when we go wrong. When Lookout was in Parirenyatwa he requested to be able to say goodbye to his friend Dumiso.
The request was refused. “No!” By our own government! He is not being buried in
Heroes’ Acre. But they can’t take away his status as a hero. You don’t give a man the
status of a hero. All you can do is recognise it. It is his. Yes, he can be forgotten
temporarily by the State. But the young people who do research will one day unveil what Lookout has done.

Aliqunywe Mthwakazi.....

LIST OF 5 BRIGADE SOLDIERS INVOLVED IN GUKURAHUNDI & THEIR BASES

Today we name and shame some of the soldiers involved in Gukurahundi

(the bases were not permanent, soldiers used to move from one base to another and/or to patrol in other areas)

HQ BASE
Shiri P, Gumpo C, Gurupo M,Gurupira E , Gwanetsa O,
Gwangwara Z,Gwatidzo C, Mhlanga V, Mlilo S, Gwatidzo M,Gwaze S, Gweshe Kizito, Hari D, Hungwe E,Hungwe T,Jadagu N, Jama A, Jamu T, Jamu T, Jewa R, Mabada J, Mabhiza Z, Machaka Mildred,

BHALAGWE
Machekanyanga N, Machekanyanga Farai, Machengete V, Masarakufa J, Dende SM, Machingura M, Machiri C, Machirori T, Madamombe L, Madamombe Lucia,
Madipaza V, Sibanda Q, Sibanda N, Madondo T, Madziwa B, Madzorere G
Madzunzu A, Magada O, Magaya B, Magomo T, Magume P, Magwai M, Magwai P,
Mahlahla S, Makanje M ,Makanyire G, Makawa R ,Makhosa R ,Makina A, Makoni Charity, Makoni Chris, Makotore T ,Makowa G ,Makumbe L ,Makumbirofa R,Malate E , Malikongwa S, Mambo P. Mandaza J , Mandiyengerenyi L,

TSHOLOTSHO
Mandowo J, Manhembe L, Manhibi J ,Manungo Robert, Manwiro L, Manzira A, Mapfumo S, Maposa P ,Maramba P ,Maravanyika S ,Marikano P, Marimo Wilbert, Maringa A, Maromwe T. Marumbe J, Masango Sylvia, Masese T, Mashava C, Mashiri Sainet,Mashonganyika G, Masia M, Masiya Denford Senior, Johnson A, Jola B, Jumo Operative ext 390, Kabiti T, Kachera L ,Kagura M ,Kambanga J, Kamusoko E ,Kamwendo C, Kanduna L,Kanengoni Elias, Kaondera-Shava, Kariana O, Karimbika Bruce, Karumbidza V, Kaseke M,

LUPANE
Kaseke E, Kasumba J, Katsande S, Nyandoro R, Nyandoro M, Nyandoro Ruth, Nyandoro Z, Nyariza S, Nyazika E, Nyeke C, Nyere M, Nyere Michael, Nyikaramba BIGGIE, Nyikayaramba Boniface,Nyongoro L, Nyoni K, Nzira T, Paketh R, Paradza O, Pfuwai ANODA ARTHU, Randazha G, Rondo T, Ruhode E,Runesu D, Runyowa G, Rupande LORAINE, Rushinga Bothwell, Sabaruata W, Sagonda O, Samkange S, Samkange S, Sangarwe E, Sasa J, Seke M, Sevenzai C, Shambare H, Shambare J, Shavi F, Shiri F, Shirichena L, Shoko Gilbert, Shumba R, Sibenge J, Sibve P, Sigauke M, Sithole B, Sinyoro B, Sithole J,

MWENEZI
Siyachitema DANIEL SHEPHARD, Sombi R, Taderera R, Tafireyi M, Tahwa ZVIDZAI, Takaona D, Takawira Elliot, Tanamayi JORAM, Tandi J, Tapfuma Ezekiel, Tarumbiswa L, Tarumbiswa Shame, Taruvamba B, Tekeshe L, Temba J, Tichareva A, Tinarwo K, Temba M,BEN ELIAS MERIKA, Tserayi A, Tshabalala T, Tsiko Rodrick, Tsoka T, Tumbare L, Tumbare LANGION, Vambe D, Vega P, Vera T, Vundla P, Whekwete C,Zhakata S, Zindi W, Zinyakatira P, Katsande P, Katsande N, Katsere C, Kazingizi M, Khan Mohammed, Koga E, Kondo R, Koro P, Kuchekwa P, Kugandirori W, Kunze T,Kupemba Bright, Kusotera Z, Kuwana P, Kuwana Godfrey, Kuyumani M, Kuziny


We will never forget until justice is served......

Aliqunywe Mthwakazi

Mthwakazi human rights abuse

                   Busani, Mqondisi and their lawyer leaving Khami Maximum Prison


We are expressly worried with extent of the human rights abuses Busani Sibindi and Mqondisi Moyo were subjected to in the eve of their sentence.

First of all they were imprisoned and put in custody at Khami Prison, which is miles away from civilization instead of being taken to Grey which is close to the courts.

They were chained with both leg irons and handcuffs as if they were the most serial killers in this country.

Moreover they thrown into a solitary confinement cell with three more prisoners, making it very difficult for them to even breathe and subjecting them to severe health hazards.

The very conviction of the two leaders Busani Sibindi and Mqondisi Moyo was indeed shocking and unconstitutional let alone the sentence which both incriminates and makes the two prisoners of conscience.


It is both unacceptable and unfortunate that the two were found guilty of not notifying the police and leading an illegal demonstration.

This is in direct violation of their constitutional rights, moreover POSA is no longer a constitutional provision since the approval of the new constitution.

Banning the two leaders from ever leading any demonstration for the next five years makes them prisoners of conscience and is a deliberate ploy to silence them and all of the Mthwakazi people from ascertaining their rights. .........

Aliqunywe Mthwakazi, ngamasimba lawe awenzwa ngabetshabi nxaaaa....

Crimea - uMthwakazi independence unparallelled!

Matebeleland independence activists (they are that at the moment) and Ndebele freedom fighters (in the sense of advocacy) do not need a political earthquake to get Mthwakazi independence. What they really need is a simple thing. And it can be stated simply.
All they need is mental re-organization.

From that alone all this fuzziness introduced into that struggle by volume and blind activism and fanciful militancy (of the resent past) will and should give way to measured and deliberate actions that are simultaneously incremental and cumulative. That in turn should force proper structural design of the struggle, its processes, messages, and language. This is the maturity stage that struggle now needs to reach in order to advance.

But it would be a mistake to dismiss the activism and 'militancy' of the recent past. Such activism and 'militancy' has made and continues to make a huge contribution to Mthwakazi's struggle in its own way. Struggles are not always planned, neat, linear happenings delivering outcomes to pre-determined models. Admitted, sometimes luck, combined with 'angry' activism, does the trick. South Africa, and even Zimbabwe, are cases in point. That said, one cannot also forget that that phase of activism and 'militancy' was seen by those who introduced it as a rejection of the original independence project that truly put uMthwakazi's agenda on the political map of the world in the late 1990s/early 2000. What we see now is uMthwakazi struggle having come full cycle.
Clearly, the struggle has to pick up from the temporary political interregnum of the recent past. But how?

To fully answer that question, in other words, to fully recover uMthwakazi's independence struggle, uMthwakazi must understand, fully, how the world now operates. Until uMthwakazi does that, there is little point in even starting. In brief, here is how the new post-Cold War world operates.

This new world, of globalization, human rights, democracy, neo-liberalism even, does not say there are no pressing political issues of internal political oppression and domination and ethnic cleansing or tribal domination in the world in countries such as Zimbabwe. This new world simply rejects violence, incitement to tribal hatred (however wronged you are or feel), militarism, etc as a means for resolving those issues. It has taken meticulous work to keep the world in its present state of relative peace and no big powers, on whom the responsibility to re-order the world inevitably falls, want this order disrupted. In exchange for the world renouncing violence and war, this new world has created political processes and mechanisms through which such pressing political issues, such as Mthwakazi's independence, can now be addressed.

In short, the old absolute sovereignty of States simply no longer exists despite its almost rowdy assertion by States such as Zimbabwe and others engaged in the political and tribal domination of other ethnic groups. The new buzzword in own is 'sovereignty as responsibility', not absolute right. From this radically modified conception of sovereignty has emerged the new Right to Protect principle, often expressed as R2P. All States, not least Zimbabwe, are fully aware of the consequences of colliding with this principle. It is certainly unlikely that Viktor Yanukovich, the now ousted president of Ukraine, will ever wish to collide with R2P again, even if he gets another chance. No small State ever will.
This is welcome.

It is therefore clear that in relation to the independence of Mthwakazi, when eventually it becomes a proper struggle, Zimbabwe will have to behave itself, and will behave itself. For now, for Mthwakazi, the real challenge is to thaw away Gukurahundi that has frozen into their heads and make the new mental leap to the world of today. The fossil of Gukurahundi that is frozen in Mthwaki's heads continues to misinform and mis-structure uMthwakazi's political struggle, through melting anger, pain, victim mode and the burning desire to 'come even', thus completely blinding many Mthwakazians to the reality that uMthwakazi freedom itself and on its own will be all these things put together, even better. So the overarching responsibility of Mthwakazians now should not just be to get uMthwakazi independence but must also be about removing all obstacles that make it difficult or impossible for the world to endorse uMthwakazi independence.
Bear in mind sovereignty is responsibility (uMthwakazi independence means sovereignty)!

It is surprising how many Mthwakazians waste valuable time explaining to the international community what Matebeleland or Mthwakazi is. But mention Zimbabwe to any stranger anywhere in the world, they know about the Ndebele and Gukurahundi (they may not remember the word 'Gukurahundi' but they know about that pogrom). The world fully understands the import of that genocide, yet Mthwakazians continue to elevate Gukurahundi above its true struggle. This is a serious flaw in both the design and process of Mthwakazi struggle. UMthwakazi must therefore first mentally reject Gukurahundi as both a reason or driver (or its framer or shaper) of Mthwakazi independence. At the very most, Gukurahundi must only be a fuel, a constant reminder of the cost of carelessness and recklessness in handling matters of nationhood or people-hood. But nothing must or should replace or displace the deliberateness introduced by framing and fighting this cause as Mthwakazi independence, not as an adjunct or by-product of Gukurahundi.
What should uMthwakazi do?

It is important to underline the fact that the following suggestions cannot be comprehensive or exhaustive, but it has to be hoped that they illustrate the depth and breadth of thinking that has to go into the whole Mthwakazi independence project if it is to pick up the struggle from where it is presently lying.

First, and naturally, uMthwakazi needed to engage the Zimbabwe government, however detestable and arrogant that government is, with regard to peacefully resolving the issue of Mthwakazi independence. It is fair to say, within the particular circumstances that the Ndebele or uMthwakazi find themselves under Zimbabwe rule, uMthwakazi has done all she can and there is nothing further that uMthwakazi can do outside resorting to arms.

Second, and crucially, it is clearly now time for Mthwakazi to go outside the political framework (note, not constitutional framework) of Zimbabwe. Here, uMthwakazi needs no precedent, if there is none. If need be, uMthwakazi needs to be its own precedent. The new world spoken of above has no one-size fits all model; each situation has its own nuances. All the new world does is provide a political framework to all nations and peoples to use. While that framework is not perfect, it is workable and adaptable.

Outside the political framework of Zimbabwe uMthwakazi or the Ndebele can do broadly two things. Firstly, they can form a symbolic Government-in-Exile. This option is unlikely to curry favour internationally, and therefore can be ignored. Secondly, they can form a strong political movement in exile, say in South Africa which under present circumstances they regard as home. They can then approach the South African government and request to address the South African parliament directly on the question of Mthwakazi independence. This option provides heightened political cover and internationalizes the struggle almost instantaneously. But to utilize this option uMthwakazi will have to be sure and clear about what she wants, whether independence or irredentism? The world does not prescribe or force (at least in theory) how a people want to exercise its independence/freedom.

This point about which outcome uMthwakazi wants cannot be something that uMthwakazi can approach emotionally.
It has to be well-thought out, bearing in mind South Africa has obligations and responsibilities to international law. In other words, it would be counter-productive to ask South Africa to do something it would not be able to do under international law or under all or any considerations. The challenge for Mthwakazi is therefore to make their chosen outcome take-able.
In this connection, there are some Mthwakazians who now see in the Crimean 'crisis' today a precedent or parallel for uMthwakazi. This view seems erroneous. The Crimean 'crisis' is a precedent for Mthwakazi for exactly the opposite reason; namely, that it's one uMthwakazi should not follow, and possibly can't follow. The Crimea 'crisis' is, in the end, just Putin's (Russia) pawn in a game of sorts, but mostly dominated by Putin's (Russia) desire to appear important and relevant in a world in which Russia has virtually become a progressively non-player in world affairs. There are therefore no geostrategic reasons that remain for Russia to speak of. The likely outcome is that Crimea will backfire badly on Russia in the long-term. In short, and to continue with the Crimean example, it would be counter-productive for Mthwakazi to be a pawn in South Africa's hand by which South Africa 'creates' a puppet Mthwakazi organization which it then 'receives' in its Parliament to request South African intervention on their behalf in what is today Zimbabwe. That would kill uMthwakazi's independence dead. Thankfully, a responsible government like that of South Africa would not agree to that anyway. Certainly, the world is not buying into Russia's deception in Crimea. Russia's misadventure in Crimea stands robustly rebutted by the world.

If uMthwakazi chooses irredentism, then she has to completely eschew Crimea, for all the reasons already stated above.

It has therefore to be said that in terms of the way uMthwakazi's struggle has been framed in the period from 2008 to 2013, it is easily ignorable by the world, and has. That is why this version of uMthwakazi struggle has not been able to and could not take the political strike of the 2013 elections. Talking of which, it has to be stated, that the massive rigging, what in new parlance in today's Zimbabwe is called 'Nikuving', was a deliberate pre-emptive political strike at Mthwakazi independence, not at MDC-T primarily, as many mistakenly think. And going by present evidence that political strike has largely worked – at least in terms of draining uMthwakazi independence agenda of energy and enthusiasm. However, in a positive and beneficial way, the Nikuving of the 2013 elections, especially the Matebeleland vote, is re-embedding what had become a structure-less, vocal crusade back onto its original structural fulcrum. That is a positive now to be fully exploited as uMthwakazi regroups.

Critically, the Nikuving of the 2013 elections, especially the Mthwakazi vote, has put paid to the fantasy of devolution in the context of Zimbabwe, and has left many Mthwakazians of the 'moderate' and 'polished' type in private mourning but serious political introspection. UMthwakazi's political situation in Zimbabwe, and the way the Zimbabwe State is structured, simply admits of no middle ground without selling it out. And this is no radical position, it is simply a factual reality.

And while on the Mthwakazi independence issue, we may bring in Bulawayo magistrate Chrispen Mberewere' to hammer the political point home. Mr Mberewe's foray into politics in what is supposed to be judicial proceedings illustrates the depth of the problem uMthwakazi has on its hands. Sentencing two Mthwakazi youth leaders, Mqondisi Moyo and Busani Sibindi for organising a demonstration without police clearance, Mr Mberewere is said to have said Matebeleland is not 'marginalized': "It is not true that they come from a marginalised region. The aspect of de-industrialisation affects the whole country." (http://bulawayo24.com/index-id-news-sc-local-byo-44190.html)

In an article like this one, one doesn't really need to challenge Mr Mberewere's assertion, but instead make three critical political points. First, that Mr Mberewere, just like others like him in other arms of the Zimbabwe State, is just part of the structure of oppression and domination of the Ndebele by the Shona. Second, that he is expected to say and do, as he said and did, what he has said and done. Third, that he is both an occupier and an occupier's functionary over uMthwakazi. And there is nothing new or clever here about him and his masters, uMthwakazi already saw this with White rule and domination. In all probability, in addition to Mr Mberewere as presiding officer himself, the prosecutor who prosecuted and the police who arrested/investigated the case were all Shona. In today's Zimbabwe this counts for and means everything. And the case at issue over which Mr Mberewe and his political platoon descended, politically indicts the Zimbabwe State totally. Fourthly, that Mr Mberewere should feel this freedom to leave the restrictions of the bench and dabble in the plateau of politics (recall it's supposed to be judicial proceedings) betrays his political instrumentality in the grand scheme of today's Zimbabwe State over uMthwakazi.
But that Mr Mberewere thinks he can tell uMthwakazi or the Ndebele what they feel, think or are, would be revolting in more politically refined contexts but it doesn't in the context of today's Zimbabwe - it can only reflect the sickening levels of tribal triumphalism compressed and wringed into the very heart of the Zimbabwe State.

And what is the significance of the Mberewere example in the present context?
Simply, it is that he, like all functionaries and instrumentalities of this occupying victor over Mthwakazi, are just symptoms or manifestations of the system of tribal domination and occupation. However, Mr Mbewere and those like him are not insignificant; they are critical because they operationalize that system. But to see them (as themselves), and see Gukurahundi (as manifestation of power), as uMthwakazians seem to while uMthwakazi builds and structures herself for the new political struggle, is a mistake. The Mbereweres are the faces of the system's fear presenting itself as power, while Gukurahundi, in essence, remains an instrument of betrayal and an instrument of weakness. Neither speak to valour, true power or honour! Therefore uMthwakazi's political struggle cannot be predicated from them.

Tying this to Mthwakazi's irredentism, if uMthwakazi chooses that option, in this new world, and in building uMthwakazi's case inside South Africa's parliament and in international fora at large, these Mberewere examples are the sort of cases/instances that now matter. Readers will recall then Secretary of State Collin Powel's 'performance' way back in 2001 when building the UN's case against Saddam Hussein in the UN General Assembly? Already, we are increasingly beginning to see  Russia make these sorts of 'performances' over tables as it tries to sanitize its aggression in Crimea in political forums. By and large the new world does not exclude anyone from its precepts. For now at least, the new world in which uMthwakazi now has to fight its political fight, is evidence-based, rules-driven, and shift-able by political persuasion (as opposed even to political militarism).

The Mbereweres of Mthwakazi's world of today are therefore useful, but the political premium they offer uMthwakazi will be lost unless, first, uMthwakazi regroups and reconfigures its political struggle properly, and pretty soon, and, second, unless uMthwakazi fully explores the prospects offered by irredentism, if not as an end in itself then at least as a means to an end. There is no known rule, custom or other principle stopping or preventing a people oppressed by one State seeking political audience with and protection by another parliament in which such a people believes it can get help.

Perhaps it's time for uMthwakazi to serious explore irredentism. Here – on irredentism - there is a useful parallel with Crimea for Mthwakazi which uMthwakazi can and should exploit, and it is simply that the Crimean situation has been framed and operationalized as irredentism, however utrue or false in the case of Crimea. Needless to say, the point of divergence though between Crimea and uMthwakazi is that the Crimean irredentism is choreographed whereas uMthwakazi's will not and could never be.
UMthwakazi's irredentism will always be real and clearly deliverable!

Aliqunywe Mthwakazi....

The silver lining in Mqondisi Moyo and Busani Sibindi's dark storm clouds

                                               Brothers in war, brothers in peace

Who punishes a child as if they were an adult? Who needs to lie to a dying man? What are storm clouds but a welcomed relief from this never ending drought that has plagued our motherland? What is an opinion but the only instrument to measuring a man's level of intelligence?

All things considered, judge Mberewere's handling of Busani and Mqondisi’s case leaves little to the imagination of the relationship between the judicial and political systems in Zimbabwe. One would assume the law and logic would rule supreme in Zimbabwean Court rooms based on the fact that Zimbabwe is perceived one of the most educated Nations in the 3rd world.

One would go as far as to say Zimbabwean lawyers and judges should be among the most intelligent men on this planet. It is with a heavy heart that I conclude that Mberewere’s statement makes the Zimbabwean Courts more closer to a bat brawl than they are on the best way the law is fairly applied to govern the people.

Mberewere’s judgment and the statements he issued on the Busani-Mqondisi case are at best misguided and dangerous. There is nothing tribalistic about the people of Bulawayo demanding to be employed by local companies at the expense of outsiders. There is no need for ZESA to import foreign labour to Bulawayo when there is plenty of labour in Bulawayo.  There is no shortage of labour from Bulawayo and its hinterlands for ZESA to find reason to import labour from outside Bulawayo and its hinterlands. The people of Bulawayo and its hinterlands have a right to economic life and to jobs and there is nothing tribalistic about them demanding that ZESA employs them ahead of outsiders.


Mberewere’s weird and convoluted statements and ruling on this case smacks of political and judicial cannibalism and leaves that crooked Zimbabwean judicial system with zero credibility.

Mberewere’s ruling deserves the strongest condemnation possible. It is purely a violation of the rights of the people of Bulawayo and Matebeleland laced with some tribalist rantings to silence any future demonstrations against such economic Genocide perpetrated against Bulawayo and its hinterlands by such companies as ZESA.

ZESA’s actions are discriminatory and nepotistic. While everyone in Zimbabwe is focused on Salary-Gate, there is and there always has been Employee-Recruitment-Gate against Matebeleland and its people in their own local areas. This is the greatest corruption that is yet to be exposed in that country.

It is the figment of Con Judge Mberewere to suggest that the youths and the people of Matebeleland are childish and tribalistic for daring to challenge the system.

Since we lack a legal definition of what a childish paradigm is, it is fair to conclude that this judgment by Mberewere is childish and not worth taking notice of. The judgment demeans the law and the judges themselves.


Mqondisi Moyo and Busani Sibindi’s sentence is a cold reminder of the unholy union and alliance between the Zimbabwean political system and the Zimbabwean judicial system. These young men peacefully protested against the injustices of employment discrimination meted out by ZESA against their community and they get criminalized for it.

It appears as that the dark clouds of mistreatment have found a home over Mthwakazi. They have once again easily snapped up two more defenseless victims. Alas every dark cloud has a silver lining and for Mqondisi and Busani their silver lining is the unanimous support they have received from their brothers and sisters in Diaspora. In their thousands they have come forward offering all forms of support they could afford.

You're invited to join in this union of brotherhood to help these two brave sons of Mthwakazi and the Bulawayo Community in resisting discriminatory employment practices that have been practiced since the 80s. Together in unity we can change the destiny of our people for good!

Mthwakazi leaders 'tribalist and childish', says magistrate Mberewere

Ngamasimba akhulunywa ngu magistrate lowu, usujwayela kubi Mthwakazi nxaaaa

Mthwakazi leaders 'tribalist and childish', says magistrate Mberewere
by Staff reporter Bulawayo Magistrate Chrispen Mberewere
Monday labeled the petition penned by the leaders of the Mthwakazi Youth Leaders Joint Resolution, Mqondisi Moyo and Busani Sibindi and 21 other demonstrators protesting against Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority
(Zesa) for reportedly recruiting people from Mashonaland to work at Emganwini in the city as "tribalist and childish".
Mberewere made the remarks as he convicted Moyo and Sibindi for organising a demonstration against Zesa's alleged recruitment of people from Mashonaland to work in the city last year without informing
the police.
In convicting the pair, the magistrate said there was no doubt the pair organised the demonstration as they were the signatories to the petition whose "tone" he said was in bad taste.
"A march is always the brainchild of someone. There is no need for a thorough
investigation on who organised the march; the signatories of the document (petition) organised the march. It is a document of poor taste, segregationist, tribalist, though that is not the issue in this court.
"This is a self aggravated case, the accused
are found guilty as charged. The accused will be sentenced in this court
tomorrow, you will be in custody." Moyo and Sibindi were being charged with
contravening Section 25 of Public Order and Security Act, which makes failure to give notice to the regulating authority, the officer
commanding ZRP in the district, of a public meeting an offence.
The duo admitted that they were part of the demonstration but maintained the organisers of the march were residents of Emganwini.
In the second case, where Moyo and Sibindi and 21 other demonstrators were
being charged with being a criminal nuisance, Mberewere ruled that the state's case was weak as members of the public who were
inconvenienced by the protestors were not called to testify.
He said the evidence provided by the police officers who testified in court was clearly biased.
"The state only had evidence from the police
and no members of the public. The court would have been satisfied by hearing a
member of the public testifying he/she was inconvenienced. The police are not the public, their views are biased," he said.
Ngamasimba laws aliqunywe Mthwakazi....