Friday, 17 July 2015
Itai Dzamara's family breathes fire at President Mugabe
Tuesday, 30 June 2015
Sunday, 28 June 2015
Mnangagwa leave us alone!!!!
First and fore most we are not a secessionist Party we have no plans what so ever to divide Zimbabweans, we don't have any intention to divide the Country on tribal lines in fact we are not tribalists as claimed by our detractors . Mthwakazi is not a tribe but a Nation, Secondly Mthwakazi Republic Party is not led by Mr Paul Siwela a respected Mthwakazian but it is led by Mr Mqondisi Moyo. What is true about us is the fact that we are working towards the restoration of Mthwakazi State, It must be noted and we emphasise we are not secessionists but we want to restore what was there before. It is our constitutional right to belong to our party of choice even the Zimbabwean Constitution allows us to do so, also according to the African charter and the UN Resolution on Human Rights we have a right to belong.
We get worried as party leadership; we get very worried when people like Mnangagwa begin to publicly warn us on the other hand we are happy that the VP of Zimbabwe has actually acknowledged us and our efforts to restore our State Mthwakazi. What we are worried about though is that a turf warning coming from one who is the chief architect of Gukurahundi genocide and is said to be next President of Zimbabwe we are concerned as a party that another version of Gukurahundi maybe on its way to silence us once and for all otherwise where is this unprovoked threat coming from? This is the same Mnangagwa and his party Zanu pf who created the 1979 Grand plan which was meant to destroy Mthwakazian people who when addressing people in Masvingo yesterday said it was normal to sometimes clash and have differences. Is it normal to kill over 30 000 people because they belong to a different tribe? Is it normal to kill people and then go to the press and announce that no one should talk about its now water under the bridge? Is it normal to deny the people the right to mourn their loved ones whom you have killed? Mnangagwa claims that Zimbabwe is a Unitary State nobody disputes that all we want is our own period. The lancaster house constitution was used in Zimbabwe since 1979 against Mthwakazi now they want to continue in that path we say no to that Zimbabwe constitution is not Mthwakazi's constitution hence the denial by the Zimbabwean government to implement the devolution of power concept which stands to benefit the people of Mthwakazi more, hence the continue of looting and plundering of our God given resources.
As a Party we are aware that Zanu pf may begin to use violence to silence us as it always does that's why we are scared but at this stage we are not going back on our demand for Self- determination Mnangagwa must begin to see that we are another generation we don't belong to his generation that means we are different from our fore fathers and our fathers we view the world differently if he(Mnangagwa) can't resolve the Mthwakazi question he must therefore be prepared to leave the burden to Mnangagwa junior because we are here to stay and we mean business we are not going to be intimidated into submission. Like we have always explained we intend to achieve the Restoration of our fore fathers State peacefully and that peace can only be guaranteed by Mnangagwa Himself together with his Party.
If Mnangagwa is not scared of something that he himself created why is he warning us against exercising our Constitutional rights Mnangagwa must know that since 1893 when Mthwakazi was raided of course with the help of the batsmen from Mashonaland and our King disappeared we have never been given an opportunity to vote for or against being united with Mashonaland in fact we have been Ruled by Conquest since then first by Britain who later transferred the order of council's satanic and barbaric policy to Zimbabwe who have continued and have been worse of in dealing with us their divisiveness to us is worse than that of the British in many ways.....
Saturday, 13 June 2015
National Prayer day for activist Itai Dzamara

Monday, 18 May 2015
Mugabe's Gukurahundi role exposed
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe, some of his ministers and senior army officials were closely involved in the planning and execution of the Gukurahundi massacres, new research and recently declassified Australian government documents have revealed.
The revelations are likely to embarrass the ruling Zanu PF government at a time the emotive issue has creeped back into the spotlight.
Australian embassy dispatches to Canberra from 1983 reveal how Zanu PF ministers, Vice-President Emmerson Mnangwagwa, Defence minister Sydney Sekeramayi and the late Eddison Zvobgo were aware of the 1980s massacres, with the aim to finish off Zapu and create a one-party state.
The Australian cables reveal that embassy officials had met with former Midlands governor Cephas Msipa, who revealed that Zanu PF ministers had told him that Gukurahundi massacres had been planned by the party’s central committee.
“He (Msipa) had talked earlier with Legal and Parliamentary Affairs minister and later lunched with him,” the embassy dispatch reads.
“Zvobgo told him of the decision of the central committee that there had to be a massacre of the Ndebeles.”
Msipa is said to have reiterated the word “massacre”, revealing that the killings — which Mugabe has only referred to as a “moment of madness” — were carefully planned and executed.
Once the killings started, Zvobgo is said to have told Msipa that Perrence Shiri, then commander of the Fifth Brigade and now boss of the Air Force of Zimbabwe, said “politicians should leave it to us”.
Sekeramayi, who was Defence minister, on the other hand, is said to have told Msipa that he had preferred a political solution to the Matabeleland situation.
The latest revelations sharply contradict what Vice-President Phelekezela Mphoko has said recently that Gukurahundi was a Western conspiracy, but rather point to the fact that the President knew what was happening and approved of it.
“Another member of the High Commission was told by Msipa at the residence (presumably the residence of the High Commission) on 5 March that Sekeramayi had also said that not only was Mugabe fully aware of what was going on — what the Fifth Brigade was doing was under Mugabe’s explicit orders,” the cables read.
The former Midlands governor then said he was having a crisis of conscience, as he remained in government, yet the authorities were responsible for the killings in Matabeleland South, which then were in their nascent stages.
A historian and author, Stuart Doran, points out that Msipa was close to Mugabe because of their shared history and his account to the Australians could be credible.
“Msipa was a credible witness in view of his amicable relationship with Mugabe,” Doran writes.
“He had, for instance, shared a room with Mugabe for two years during their earlier career as teachers.
“Msipa had also welcomed Mugabe into his home when the latter returned from Ghana in 1960 and joined the struggle against white rule.
“Between 1980 and 1982, when tensions were rising between Zapu and Zanu, Msipa had served as a regular go-between and had spoken to Mugabe often.”
In discussions with Western representatives, Sekeramayi also revealed that the killings in Matabeleland and Midlands were not an accident and were planned.
“Sekeramayi was more circumspect in direct discussions with Western representatives, but nevertheless made clear that the massacres were no accident,” Doran writes.
“The ‘army had had to act hard’, he told the British defence attaché, ‘but . . . the situation was now under control’.
“Later, Sekeramayi admitted to the British High Commissioner that ‘there had been atrocities’.”
During the killings, Shiri is said to have consulted extensively with now Zimbabwe Defence Forces Commander General Constantine Chiwenga, then commander of 1 Brigade in Bulawayo.
“Chiwenga’s unit also provided a range of practical assistance, including logistical support for 5 Brigade and a base from which Shiri’s men operated when they made punitive raids on Bulawayo’s townships,” Doran writes.
“Together with other former Zanla cadres, who shared common experiences and common hatreds, the pair was intimately involved in an apparent attempt to obliterate the Ndebele from the face of the earth.
“The first six weeks of 5 Brigade’s pogrom were genocidal in their intensity, but the documentary record shows that an order was given to curtail this phase after news of the massacres began to leak to the outside world.
“However, the killings did not end, but were instead scaled back and conducted in a more covert manner.”
Doran, who is set to publish a book based on new information on Zimbabwe titled Kingdom, Power, Glory: Mugabe, Zanu and the Quest for Supremacy, 1960–87, also questions why Western governments did so little to curtail the killings, but insists blame for the massacre lies solely with Mugabe.
“New documentary material underlines once more that post-independence Zimbabwe’s greatest crimes and deepest wounds lie squarely at the feet of Mugabe and Zanu PF,” he says.
“The killings were a thoroughly internal affair. They were neither provoked nor sustained by outsiders.
“From start to finish, the atrocities were driven from the top by Zanu PF in pursuit of specific political objectives.”
Msipa yesterday refused to comment on the latest revelations or talk about Gukurahundi, saying the matter was too sensitive .
Open discussion of the Gukurahundi massacres in the country remains heresy, with the government recently wheeling out analysts and officials who deny the atrocities.
Mphoko is the most senior member of government to try and absolve Mugabe of any involvement in the massacres, although the latest revelations are likely to leave him and his party with egg on their collective faces.
Mugabe, in the 1980s, set up a commission of inquiry into the killings, ostensibly to assuage Western diplomats who expressed uneasiness at the massacres, but the findings of the commission are yet to be made public, three decades later.
Gukurahundi!!!!!!! we'll never forget
Mugabe's Gukurahundi role exposed
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe, some of his ministers and senior army officials were closely involved in the planning and execution of the Gukurahundi massacres, new research and recently declassified Australian government documents have revealed.
The revelations are likely to embarrass the ruling Zanu PF government at a time the emotive issue has creeped back into the spotlight.
Australian embassy dispatches to Canberra from 1983 reveal how Zanu PF ministers, Vice-President Emmerson Mnangwagwa, Defence minister Sydney Sekeramayi and the late Eddison Zvobgo were aware of the 1980s massacres, with the aim to finish off Zapu and create a one-party state.
The Australian cables reveal that embassy officials had met with former Midlands governor Cephas Msipa, who revealed that Zanu PF ministers had told him that Gukurahundi massacres had been planned by the party’s central committee.
“He (Msipa) had talked earlier with Legal and Parliamentary Affairs minister and later lunched with him,” the embassy dispatch reads.
“Zvobgo told him of the decision of the central committee that there had to be a massacre of the Ndebeles.”
Msipa is said to have reiterated the word “massacre”, revealing that the killings — which Mugabe has only referred to as a “moment of madness” — were carefully planned and executed.
Once the killings started, Zvobgo is said to have told Msipa that Perrence Shiri, then commander of the Fifth Brigade and now boss of the Air Force of Zimbabwe, said “politicians should leave it to us”.
Sekeramayi, who was Defence minister, on the other hand, is said to have told Msipa that he had preferred a political solution to the Matabeleland situation.
The latest revelations sharply contradict what Vice-President Phelekezela Mphoko has said recently that Gukurahundi was a Western conspiracy, but rather point to the fact that the President knew what was happening and approved of it.
“Another member of the High Commission was told by Msipa at the residence (presumably the residence of the High Commission) on 5 March that Sekeramayi had also said that not only was Mugabe fully aware of what was going on — what the Fifth Brigade was doing was under Mugabe’s explicit orders,” the cables read.
The former Midlands governor then said he was having a crisis of conscience, as he remained in government, yet the authorities were responsible for the killings in Matabeleland South, which then were in their nascent stages.
A historian and author, Stuart Doran, points out that Msipa was close to Mugabe because of their shared history and his account to the Australians could be credible.
“Msipa was a credible witness in view of his amicable relationship with Mugabe,” Doran writes.
“He had, for instance, shared a room with Mugabe for two years during their earlier career as teachers.
“Msipa had also welcomed Mugabe into his home when the latter returned from Ghana in 1960 and joined the struggle against white rule.
“Between 1980 and 1982, when tensions were rising between Zapu and Zanu, Msipa had served as a regular go-between and had spoken to Mugabe often.”
In discussions with Western representatives, Sekeramayi also revealed that the killings in Matabeleland and Midlands were not an accident and were planned.
“Sekeramayi was more circumspect in direct discussions with Western representatives, but nevertheless made clear that the massacres were no accident,” Doran writes.
“The ‘army had had to act hard’, he told the British defence attaché, ‘but . . . the situation was now under control’.
“Later, Sekeramayi admitted to the British High Commissioner that ‘there had been atrocities’.”
During the killings, Shiri is said to have consulted extensively with now Zimbabwe Defence Forces Commander General Constantine Chiwenga, then commander of 1 Brigade in Bulawayo.
“Chiwenga’s unit also provided a range of practical assistance, including logistical support for 5 Brigade and a base from which Shiri’s men operated when they made punitive raids on Bulawayo’s townships,” Doran writes.
“Together with other former Zanla cadres, who shared common experiences and common hatreds, the pair was intimately involved in an apparent attempt to obliterate the Ndebele from the face of the earth.
“The first six weeks of 5 Brigade’s pogrom were genocidal in their intensity, but the documentary record shows that an order was given to curtail this phase after news of the massacres began to leak to the outside world.
“However, the killings did not end, but were instead scaled back and conducted in a more covert manner.”
Doran, who is set to publish a book based on new information on Zimbabwe titled Kingdom, Power, Glory: Mugabe, Zanu and the Quest for Supremacy, 1960–87, also questions why Western governments did so little to curtail the killings, but insists blame for the massacre lies solely with Mugabe.
“New documentary material underlines once more that post-independence Zimbabwe’s greatest crimes and deepest wounds lie squarely at the feet of Mugabe and Zanu PF,” he says.
“The killings were a thoroughly internal affair. They were neither provoked nor sustained by outsiders.
“From start to finish, the atrocities were driven from the top by Zanu PF in pursuit of specific political objectives.”
Msipa yesterday refused to comment on the latest revelations or talk about Gukurahundi, saying the matter was too sensitive .
Open discussion of the Gukurahundi massacres in the country remains heresy, with the government recently wheeling out analysts and officials who deny the atrocities.
Mphoko is the most senior member of government to try and absolve Mugabe of any involvement in the massacres, although the latest revelations are likely to leave him and his party with egg on their collective faces.
Mugabe, in the 1980s, set up a commission of inquiry into the killings, ostensibly to assuage Western diplomats who expressed uneasiness at the massacres, but the findings of the commission are yet to be made public, three decades later.
Gukurahundi!!!!!!! we'll never forget
Mugabe’s complicity in Gukurahundi
THE Ndebele people of western Zimbabwe have a proverb, walutheza olule nkume, which, roughly translated, means “A person picked up firewood in which there was a scorpion, and now the scorpion is out to bite him.” An English equivalent would be: “The chickens have come home to roost.”
BY STUART DORAN
Yet when it comes to justice for Zimbabweans who have suffered under the heel of President Robert Mugabe since 1980, the saying rings hollow. And none yearn for justice more than the Ndebele. From January 1983, a campaign of genocide was waged against them, an outbreak of obscene violence that remains the darkest period in the country’s post-independence history, notwithstanding the bloody notoriety of the last decade-and-a-half.
But the truth, at least, is now coming to light. Thousands of historical documents that expose the perpetrators are now becoming available in a raft of foreign archival collections. The documents are wide-ranging and include, among others, diplomatic correspondence, intelligence assessments and raw intelligence garnered by spies recruited from within the Zimbabwean government.
These papers—augmented by the testimony of Zimbabwean witnesses finding courage in old age—substantiate what survivors and scholars have always suspected but never been able to validate: Mugabe, then Prime Minister, was the prime architect of mass killings that were well-planned and systematically executed.
The massacres were closely associated with an effort by Mugabe’s Zanu PF party to eliminate opposition groups in the aftermath of Zimbabwe’s independence. Zapu, a party led by nationalist rival Joshua Nkomo, represented the main obstacle to that objective. Given that Zapu enjoyed overwhelming support among Ndebele, the Ndebele as a whole came to be seen as an impediment. In the words of Mugabe, the people of Matabeleland needed to be “re-educated”.
The little that Mugabe has said since the 1980s on this taboo subject has been a typical mixture of obfuscation and denial. The closest he has come to admitting any form of official responsibility was at the death of Nkomo, when he remarked that the early 1980s was a “moment of madness”—an ambivalent statement that perhaps reflected a fear of ngozi (avenging spirits) more than anything else and one he has not repeated. More recently, he blamed the killings on armed bandits who were allegedly coordinated by Zapu (the original smokescreen) along with occasional indiscipline among soldiers of the army’s North Korean-trained 5 Brigade.
In the documents, his co-conspirators tell a different story. In doing so, they controvert ill-founded theories that Mugabe was poorly informed about the activities of errant subordinates.
By March 1983, when news of the atrocities had leaked, prompting Western ambassadors and others to ask awkward questions, government ministers who were overseeing the operation quickly pointed to Mugabe.
Sydney Sekeramayi, the minister in Mugabe’s office with responsibility for Defence, was one. In a conversation with Cephas Msipa, one of the few remaining Zapu ministers of what had been a government of national unity, Sekeramayi said that “not only was Mugabe fully aware of what was going on—what the 5th Brigade was doing was under Mugabe’s explicit orders”. Msipa later relayed this discussion to the Australian High Commission, which in turn reported it to headquarters in Canberra.
Msipa was a credible witness in view of his amicable relationship with Mugabe. He had, for instance, shared a room with Mugabe for two years during their earlier career as teachers. Msipa had also welcomed Mugabe into his home when the latter returned from Ghana in 1960 and joined the struggle against white rule. Between 1980 and 1982, when tensions were rising between Zapu and Zanu, Msipa had served as a regular go-between and had spoken to Mugabe often.
He continued to do so during the killings. Within Zapu, Msipa, a Shona-speaker, had consistently advocated amalgamation with Zanu, a line that had attracted the ire of Ndebele-speaking colleagues. He was, therefore, considerably more sympathetic to Zanu and its leader than most in Zapu. And yet, after speaking to Sekeramayi and others in Zanu, he was convinced (as he told the Australians) that “the Prime Minister was right behind what had been happening in Matabeleland”. He added that he had never before had such a “crisis of my conscience” about remaining in government.
Sekeramayi was more circumspect in direct discussions with Western representatives, but nevertheless made clear that the massacres were no accident. The “army had had to act ‘hard’”, he told the British defence attaché, “but … the situation was now under control”. Later, Sekeramayi admitted to the British High Commissioner that “there had been atrocities”.
Meanwhile, Msipa talked to other members of Zanu who revealed that the killings were not simply the whim of a small coterie, but the result of a formal and broad-based decision by the leadership of Zanu PF.
Eddison Zvobgo, a member of Zanu’s 20-member policymaking body, spoke of a “decision of the Central Committee that there had to be a ‘massacre’ of Ndebeles”. That statement squared precisely with 5 Brigade’s ethnocentric modus operandi. Mugabe’s heir apparent, the current Vice- President, Emmerson Mnangagwa, was a member of the Central Committee. But so, too, were others who have subsequently developed a reputation for moderation, not least because of their latter-day rivalry with the hated Mnangagwa. Former Vice-President Joice Mujuru heads that list.
The army commanders who directed the killings, many of whom still retain key positions in a security sector that underwrites the regime, are also shown to have been eager accomplices. Zvobgo commented that the first commander of 5 Brigade, Perence Shiri, had said the “politicians should leave it to us” with regard to “settling things in Matabeleland”.
Shiri is now the head of Zimbabwe’s air force.
Other evidence demonstrates that Shiri worked closely with many former members of Mugabe’s guerilla army, Zanla, notwithstanding a myth that 5 Brigade operated separately from the rest of the army. Those who assisted Shiri included the now chief of Zimbabwe’s defence forces, Constantine Chiwenga, who – incredibly – was this month awarded a doctorate in ethics by the University of KwaZulu–Natal. During the killings, Shiri frequently consulted with Chiwenga, who was then using the nom de guerre Dominic Chinenge and was head of 1 Brigade based in Bulawayo. Chiwenga’s unit also provided a range of practical assistance, including logistical support for 5 Brigade and a base from which Shiri’s men operated when they made punitive raids on Bulawayo’s townships.
Together with other former Zanla cadres who shared common experiences and common hatreds, the pair were intimately involved in an apparent attempt to obliterate the Ndebele from the face of the earth.
The first six weeks of 5 Brigade’s pogrom were genocidal in their intensity, but the documentary record shows that an order was given to curtail this phase after news of the massacres began to leak to the outside world. However, the killing did not end, but was instead scaled-back and conducted in a more covert manner.
Estimates of the death toll are frequently put at 20 000, a figure first mooted by Nkomo when the campaign was still underway. But on-the-ground surveys have been piecemeal and vast areas of Matabeleland remain under-researched. Fear and the death of many witnesses provide further challenges.
A forensically-accurate number will never be possible, yet it seems likely that the standard estimate is too conservative. Oral testimony from Zimbabweans who were in key government positions during the 1980s disinters a host of killings that were previously unknown. Cumulatively, this testimony suggests that the breadth of the violence and the extent of official involvement have been significantly underestimated.
Observers have always wondered how much of this was known to Western governments—and what they did about it. It is clear that they knew a great deal, even if some of the detail remained obscure. It is also clear that the polite questions asked by diplomats were—along with courageous representations by churchmen and their allies in Zimbabwe—pivotal to the government’s decision to reduce the violence. Up to that point, there was no indication that the genocidal force of the massacres would be curtailed.
Nevertheless, Western governments did little once the massacres were brought down to a lower, but still savage, intensity. Mugabe was quick to recognise the limits of Western censure, continuing with the campaign in Matabeleland North during the remainder of 1983 and re-deploying 5 Brigade further south in 1984.
It is a fact that the Western response to Mugabe’s genocidal violence toward black countrymen in the 1980s was a pale shadow of the reaction to his attack on white farmers in 2000. Many Ndebele remain bitter about this inconsistency.
While historians debate the dimensions of Zanu’s violence, Western policymakers and the domestic constituencies that are meant to hold them to account would do well to reflect again on the price of inconsistency in the developing world. Aside from the human cost, Western advocacy of democracy and international justice will continue to be viewed with scepticism while such glaring contradictions remain.
At the same time, an inordinate focus on the international dimensions of the Matabeleland massacres is to miss the point.
Mugabe has instinctively sought to racialise and internationalise internal controversies of which he is the principal author or to invoke the spectre of neo-colonialism in the hope of support from fellow African leaders. In a transparent attempt to emulate his master, Zimbabwe’s
Vice-President Phelekezela Mphoko recently made the absurd claim that the massacres were a “conspiracy of the West” and that Mugabe had nothing to do with them.
In Zimbabwe, history is not just written by the victors, it is written by the perpetrators and their acolytes.
Yet the new documentary material underlines once more that post-independence Zimbabwe’s greatest crimes and deepest wounds lie squarely at the feet of Mugabe and Zanu PF.
The killings were a thoroughly internal affair. They were neither provoked nor sustained by outsiders. From start to finish, the atrocities were driven from the top by Zanu PF in pursuit of specific political objectives.
Viewed across a period of several years and hundreds of files, the documents provide overwhelming evidence that—far from being a “moment of madness” in which supporters of rival parties went at each other— the massacres were but one component of a sustained and strategic effort to annihilate all political opposition within five years of independence.
Zanu leaders were determined to secure a “victory” against non-existent opposition in elections scheduled for 1985, after which there would be a “mandate” from the people to impose a one-party state.
This abhorrence of all forms of opposition—and the relentless violence with which Zanu PF pursued supremacy—also provide the key to understanding the disaster that enveloped Zimbabwe at the turn of the century. The fall of communism in the early 1990s may have eviscerated Zanu’s plans for a constitutionally-sanctioned single-party state, but the ideology remained the same.
When Morgan Tsvangirai’s Movement for Democratic Change posed a threat to Zanu’s suzerainty in 2000, Mugabe and his cohorts did not hesitate to wreak violence on the opposition and its support base, even if it meant the destruction of the economy.
It was, after all, a small step for men who had already committed genocide in defence of power.
Dr Stuart Doran is an independent historian and author of a forthcoming book based on the new documentary material—Kingdom, Power, Glory: Mugabe, Zanu and The Quest For Supremacy, 1960–87. This article originally appeared in the Daily Maverick
these murderers must be punished
Saturday, 9 May 2015
Bring back Itai Dzamara
Today marks exactly 61 days since my friend and anti-mugabe activist Itai Dzamara was abducted......
Human Rights Watch has urged Zimbabwe's authorities to release information on the whereabouts of a prominent pro-democracy activist it fears has been "forcibly disappeared".
Itai Dzamara has not been seen since he was abducted by five men in the capital, Harare, on 9 March.
Officials have denied any state agents were involved in his abduction.
Mr Dzamara is a vocal opponent of President Robert Mugabe, and has staged sit-ins demanding his resignation.
Family members have told Human Rights Watch (HRW) that state security agents threatened something would happen if he continued his activism, the US-based rights group said in a statement.
The former journalist and opposition activist was hospitalised in 2014 after reportedly being beaten by police during a peaceful demonstration.
Two days before his abduction, HRW says Mr Dzamara addressed an opposition rally calling for mass protests against worsening repression and economic conditions in Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwe's High Court in March ordered police and the state intelligence agency to actively search for the 36-year-old activist, after an appeal from his wife.
"Zimbabwe authorities appear to be doing nothing to find Itai Dzamara, increasing concerns about his safety," HRW researcher Dewa Mavhinga said.
"The threats against Dzamara by state security agents are a red flag for Zimbabwe's international allies to press the government to come clean about what happened to him."
Mr Mugabe, 91, and his Zanu-PF party have been in power in Zimbabwe since independence in 1980.
#bring back itai dzamara
Monday, 20 April 2015
There is nothing to celebrate
We all know there is nothing to celebrate.We all know we are not independent.We see it and hear it for ourselves every day.We feel it and live it every moment.There is no independence,let us not fool each other.We have become a burden to other countries.We have become unwanted in the nations we fled to.They are saying "You have overstayed your welcome ".But then where shall we go?
Independence and freedom are two expensive commodities.The price is blood and tears.We cannot run away anymore, we have to free our country by force.We have the right to it,and it is duty that stares us in the face.How long shall we continue like this.We have no option but to bite the bullet.We have tried elections and that does not work.We have run to other countries and that is not working anymore.We are duty bound to reclaim and retake our country back from black oppressors.Otherwise we will wake up in 2050 and find ourselves where we are today,under thr feet of Chatunga,Bona and Robert junior.
Should we let them continue on with destroying what is left of Zimbabwe?Should we wait for God,who is also waiting for us to stand up and stop being cowards?
They boast that they have guns.And what if we also get guns,would they still boast?We too can easily get guns and maybe its time we did for it is the only language an armed criminal understands.You cannot negotiate with an armed criminal,you being unarmed,he will laugh at you,as they have laughed at us.It is time we fought back.When is enough,enough?
Our fight with them is not fair.They have guns and we dont,thats why they disrespect us and laugh at us.We need to make it a fair fight,then shall we see just how much of men they are when we can shoot back at them.Would they still threaten us? Would they feel safe to do evil?No they would not.
We need a new breed of leaders like Tongogara,Rex Nhongo,Jason Moyo,with the will power and conviction to do what is necessary to bring real independence, not this fakeness.We need amadoda sibili,ready for the call of duty to free the country.We need new generation of heroes to answer that call of national duty.We need you and me.
Today its bonuses that are gone and tomorrow its something worse.And we continue being silent cowards.
Zanu Pf are not people that can be reasoned or negotiated with.Cold blooded killers do not negotiate.We should not fool ourselves into believing 2018 elections will be free and fair,no they wont just as all other elections were not.We should not think reforms will be implemented,no they wont as they have control of parliament and government.The time for daydreaming is over.The time for expecting good from evil is over.The time for compromise is long gone.
Now is the time to pick up what our enemies have in their hands.Now is the time to be bold,brave and realistic.We cannot fight an enemy with weapons,we being unarmed,its foolish.We can only fight them with the same weapons they are using.And one thing is for sure,the rank and file of soldiers support us.You will see.Now is the time people.No more being nice law abiding citizens.No more being zombies.Violence is their answer to everything.We can never remove them peacefully.We can only remove them in the language they understand.#1980-so far in shambles.....
Wednesday, 10 September 2014
Kingdom of Mthwakazi
Kingdom of Mthwakazi
Capital
Bulawayo
Official languages
Kalanga, Koisan, Nambya, Ndau, Ndebele, Shangani, Sotho, Tonga, Tswana, Venda and Xhosa.
Government
Monarch
-
10th - 17th Century
MuThwa Dynasty
-
17th - 18th Century
Mambos of the Kalanga
-
19th Century
Mzilikazi
-
19th Century
Lobengula
Mthwakazi is the traditional name of the proto-Ndebele and Ndebele kingdom that existed until the end of the 19th century within the area of today's Zimbabwe.[1] Mthwakazi is widely used to refer to inhabitants of Matebeleland and Midlands provinces in Zimbabwe.[2]
Etymology
The word Matabele is an anglicised term that was used by the British, a spelling that is still common in older texts, because they found it difficult to pronounce the word amaNdebele. Moreover, in the early 19th century, the Ndebele lived in territories populated by Sotho-Tswana peoples who used the plural prefix "Ma" for certain types of unfamiliar people or the Nguni prefix "Ama," so the British explorers, who were first informed of the existence of the kingdom by Sotho-Tswana communities they encountered on the trip north, would have been presented with two variations of the name, first, the Sotho-Tswana pronunciation (Matabele) and second, the Ndebele pronunciation (Ndebele or AmaNdebele). They are now commonly known as the "Ndebele" or "amaNdebele" under Zimbabwean rule (but were officially known as the Matabele under British rule[3]).
Background
The word Mthwakazi was derived from the name of Queen MuThwa, the first ruler of the Mthwakazi territory.[4] The Muthwa pseudo-dynasty survived up to around the 18th century. She was the matriarch of the AbaThwa, the San people. With the arrival of Bantu people, the Mthwakazi territory became, increasingly, a center of diverse cultures. These local groups maintained their local autonomy, however, boundaries were fluid and intermarriages were common. The later arrival of the Nguni peoples, in the late 18th century and early 19th century, saw the Inter-Cultural Society of Mthwakazi evolving into a sovereign state that was recognised by both neighbouring African states and foreign (European) powers.[5] Mthwakazi has a long history of diverse cultures and arts. Imbongi (poets) began poetically describing the wonderful social structure of Mthwakazi with references like “uMbuthwa okazi” (the great collective union), which when speaking sounds like Mthwakazi. Mzilikazi is said to have marveled at the great diverse and collective union saying “Saze sabasihle isizwe sakoMthwakazi, uMbuthwa okazi!, undlela zimhlophe!, njenginsimu yamaluba”, loosely translated as: “O, how beautiful, great and diverse the union is. It is like a garden of flowers”. Several peace treaties, marking the borders of Mthwakazi, were signed and Mthwakazi existed as a sovereign state. However, the colonial powers, occupying the eastern neighboring state at the time (British Mashonaland Protectorate[6] ), later disregarded these agreements and invaded Mthwakazi on the 3rd of November 1893. Mthwakazi faught a bitter defensive battle at Gadade, Mbembesi, but was overpowered by the enemy which used an arsenal of arms which were technologically more advanced than that of Mthwakazi warriors, hence lost and so began a long period of occupation and rule by conquest.[7]
Mzilikazi's Settlement in Mthwakazi
In 1839, Mzilikazi and his people finally settled north of Ramaquabane River, the south western region of what in 1980 became Zimbabwe. Mzilikazi, contrary to propaganda in Zimbabwean history books, did not conquer Mthwakazi nor did he establish Mthwakazi. In fact, Mthwakazi existed as a highly devolved state with a pseudodynasty of the AbaThwa (the MuThwa maternal dynasty). It was led at the time by the Mambo of the Kalanga and included many chieftainships of the Tonga, Sotho, Venda, Nambya, Kalanga, Karanga and others. Mzilikazi negotiated to settle in Mthwakazi and this gentleman's agreement is what led to the understanding that: UMthwakazi wawubuswa ngobudlelwano bukaMambo loMzilikazi, loosely translated as Mthwakazi was governed by a coalition of Mambo and Mzilikazi. It was in the first battle with the Boers, post Mzilikazi's settlement in Mthwakazi, along the Limpopo river that the first sketchy military council was established, which included the Chiefs from all over Mthwakazi territory, including notably Mambo of the Kalanga and Mzilikazi.before mzilikazi came in to settle in this "anonymous" land.the portuguese were the first to come and they traded for ivory with the shona groups in the munhumutapa empire.These shona groups built stone structures such as khami and the great zimbabwe ruins.The shona groups which were found in this so "anonymous" area are the kalanga,venda,nambya(these make up the western shona dialects);and the karanga,zezuru,torwa,barwe (made up the eastern shona dialects)Mzilikazi came in and fought against htese people and defeated them and made them his subjects.Even today the kalanga language is mainly spoken in botswana as it was assimilated by the Ndebele in Zimbabwe.[7] A strong army was to be established, however, by virtue of Mzilikazi already having a standing army, he became by default the “Commander in Chief of the Armies” (Inkosi yamabutho) and men were enlisted to join his army. The Limpopo river was successfully defended and Mzilikazi became by default the leader of Mthwakazi. The effects of Mthwakazian success, led by Mzilikazi in campaigns defending the Limpopo line in battles against the Boer attacks of 1847–1851, were so much that it persuaded the government of the South African Republic to sign a peace treaty in 1852.[8] With time, due to absolute power Mzilikazi was gaining, Mthwakazi developed into a Kingdom.[9]
Mthwakazi under Lobengula's Leadership
Lobengula, (born c. 1836, Mosega, Transvaal [now in South Africa]—died c. 1894, near Bulawayo, Rhodesia [now Zimbabwe]), second and last king (1870–94) of the Mthwakazi (Matabele) nation. Lobengula—the son of the founder of the Ndebele kingdom, Mzilikazi—was unable to prevent his kingdom from being destroyed by the British in 1893.
After Mzilikazi died in September 1868, the succession of Lobengula was not accepted by Mangwane (one of Mzilikazi’s older sons) and some of the izinduna (chiefs), and he succeeded to the throne only in 1870 after a period of serious civil war. Lobengula faced a rebellion in June 1870, and in 1872 he repelled an invasion by Mangwane and a pretender backed by the British in the Natal colony. Lobengula maintained Mthwakazi power over a huge section of Highveld until the Witwatersrand gold discoveries of 1886 drew attention to the gold in Mthwakazi kingdom and in the neighbouring Mashonaland. Soon after, a treaty of friendship was signed with the British in February 1888 (the Moffat Treaty), however it was distorted by the British government in order to declare the kingdom a British protectorate.[10] In October 1888 Lobengula signed a limited mineral concession with a group of Cecil Rhodes’s of business associates, led by C.D. Rudd, but it too was distorted: manipulated to appear as a gold concession to his entire kingdom, in 1889 it was accepted as authentic by the British government and used to charter the British South Africa Company (BSAC).[10] Lobengula refused the BSAC access to the areas under his control (Mthwakazi), and in 1890 the BSAC occupied the neighbouring Mashonaland. Due to constant interference and friction between the two sovereign states, a border line was agreed between Mthwakazi and the British Mashonaland Protectorate.[10] After British settlers failed to find much gold in Mashonaland, Leander Starr Jameson, the BSAC administrator after 1891, induced settlers and some native Mashonaland inhabitants to join an invading force against Lobengula’s Mthwakazi kingdom in September 1893 with promises of gold claims, land, and cattle. To justify the invasion, false and mendacious claims were made that the Ndebele intended to attack Mashonaland. Faced with this attack as well as a simultaneous invasion by British imperial forces from the south, Lobengula left his capital, Bulawayo, and the invaders could not capture him, he disappeared in the direction of the Zambezi River. It is conventionally presumed that he died in late 1893 or early 1894; there is no certainty, however, and there were rumours that he had crossed the Zambezi and found refuge with Mpezeni’s Nguni people in North Eastern Zambia.
Lobengula’s son, Nyamande, succeeded his father in 1896 and that same year led a rebellion known as the Umvukela “the Uprising” against the BSAC administration. Although the rebellion was unsuccessful, it still presented a serious and expensive threat to the BSAC and was put down only by the intervention of British imperial troops.
The Struggle in Mthwakazi under Rhodesia
After the 1893 invasion, Mthwakazi has been ruled by conquest ever since. The existence of Mthwakazi under the “Rule by Conquest” for more than 120 years, has been perpetuated to deny Mthwakazi statehood, subjecting it to alien interest, domination, subjugation and rendering the rulers to corruptly exploit Mthwakazi's economic resources. The “Rule by Conquest” emerged as an unprovoked bloody invasion by the British South Africa Company mercenaries, and violated the 1888 Moffat Treaty of Peace and Unity. The invasion was promulgated by Britain through the Royal Charter on 29 October 1889.[11] On 14 August 1893, at Fort Victoria in British Mashonaland Protectorate the BSA Co signed a secret contract called the Victoria Agreement pledging to give each mercenary “a free farm 6,000 acres with the title deed value of 9,000 sovereign pounds, 15 gold reefs, 5 gold alluviums, a share of looted cattle (600,000) one half going to the BSA Co another half being shared equal between officers and men, a share of the Kingdoms’ mineral consisting of two 20 liters tins of biscuit one full of pure gold with another one full of uncut diamonds all worth 10 million sovereign pounds and a provision of forced and cheap labour of the conquered people once Mthwakazi was conquered.” On 18 July 1894, Britain promulgated the Matabeleland Order-in-Council, legitimizing the Victoria Agreement as the jurisdiction of ruling Mthwakazi by conquest as well as the legal bases of the constitution of the “Rule by Conquest”. Once the Matabeleland Orderin-Council was in place, the BSA Co proceeded to expropriate all the fruitful lands from the Inter-Cultural Society of Mthwakazi, dispossessed them of 600,000 cattle and any other valuable properties, displacing people by exiling them to the inhabitable two Native Reserves where they remained poor, as forced and cheap labour. The BSA Co promptly formed the conquest government which ruled by terror, imposed deprivation situations against the people of Mthwakazi and opportunity reservations for the rulers. The conquerors promulgated hash laws including the Masters and Servants Act and made the conditions of forced and cheap labour unbearable. The culture and the traditional education system of Mthwakazi was broken down including the crucial support system that was based on the extended families and had assisted the people to help each other during hard times such as death, famine and disasters, were broken down during displacement. The society got disorganized followed by the personality disorganization and permanent extreme poverty of the whole Inter-Cultural Society of Mthwakazi. In 1923, Britain promulgated the constitution of Racial Domination which ruled Mthwakazi jointly with Mashonaland and made the White people the constitutional rulers while it left the Inter-Cultural Society of Mthwakazi without franchise. The racial domination ruled with violence and detentions without trial calumniating into the 1970s liberation war which further displaced the people.
Her Majesty Queen Victoria’s government pointed out that: The natives are probably in law and equity the real owners of the land which the settlers occupy. The proposed tax amounted to a charge for the occupation of their land and that it would arouse great antagonism on the natives of Lobengula. (Africa [South] 441, Imperial Secretary to Company 29 August 1892) “It would be idle to ignore the fact that, between the subjects of Her Majesty Queen Victoria and those of this native monarch [Lobengula] whose sovereignty she was prepared to recognize, there was in all judicial conceptions a great gulf fixed, which it would, perhaps, be only fanciful to span --- Some tribes are so low in the scale of social organization that their usage and conceptions of rights and duties are not to be reconciled with the institutions or legal ideas of civilized society. .... the Ndebele Sovereignty --- had been broken up and replaced by a new, better system as defined by the Matabeleland Order-in-Council of 1894 (Report of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, delivered on the 29th of July 1918, London 1918).
The Struggle in Mthwakazi under Zimbabwe
At the end of the bush war, Britain promulgated the 1980 black majority rule constitution which transformed the Racial Domination into Tribal Domination by granting Mashonaland 60 seats, Mthwakazi 20 seats, and the white community 20 seats in a single parliament, thereby making Mashonaland the constitutional ruler of Mthwakazi. Mthwakazi remained un-decolonized. In March 1983, when Mthwakazi expressed disgruntlement and bitterness about the failure of Britain to decolonize her in terms of the United Nations Declaration on the granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples (Resolution 1514 [XV]) of 1960,[11] the response was a genocide. Britain assisted Zimbabwe to recruit and train the mercenary force called the 5th Brigade and perpetrate the Gukurahundi genocide that slaughtered in excess of 20,000 people in cold blood, burnt many of their dwellings, forced women to sing in praise of Mugabe, the then Prime Minister, when their husbands were being killed, later forced to dig their graves, bury them and dance on their graves while still singing. Some people disappeared, women were raped while the pregnant ones had their wombs ripped open with the bayonet of the gun, with the claims that the perpetrators were looking for unborn dissidents in the wombs of their mothers. During these perpetrations, Britain assisted Zimbabwe to conceal the genocide by deceiving the world, purporting that there were low scale skirmishes in Zimbabwe and the government was maintaining law and order against the dissidents. Zimbabwe did all this in order to force Mthwakazi to admit that Zimbabwe had become their new master. Britain did all this purporting to be helping Zimbabwe to build itself as one nation by absorbing Mthwakazi without the concern of the people of Mthwakazi. Britain only gave way to the first democratic elections in 1980,Nkomo wanted to contest as the patriotic front with mugabe's zanu pf but Mugabe rejected the move.Britain did not grant anyone seats in parliament but,it was democratically contested and zanu won 58 seats pf zapu won 20 and so on with other smaller parties. Britain had nothing to do with the election results distribution. It was just there to oversee the transition from colonialism to freedom. The British Americans even the Russians never wanted Mugabe to be the prime minister at all but it was majority rule that brought him to power[12]
The aim of Britain in backing the genocide was: To conceal all the information which exposes its crimes against humanity and the abuse of human rights in the deposed Kingdom of Mthwakazi through assisting Zimbabwe to eliminate the Inter-Cultural Society of Mthwakazi and obliterate any clue that indicates that. The people of Mthwakazi now live a stateless life because Britain rewarded Her BSA Co mercenaries with the homeland of Mthwakazi after its conquest. On the other hand, the aim of Zimbabwe in committing the genocide was: To build power of revenging the legendary tribal disputes of superiority between Zimbabweans and the people of Mthwakazi in the pre-colonial era, and forcefully absorb Mthwakazi into a permanent ZANU State, a one Party State of Zimbabwe! The aim of the third collaborator, North Korea, remains unknown. However North Korea did muster the capacity by training the mercenary 5th Brigade force which perpetrated the Gukurahundi Genocide in its preconceived plans. Nevertheless, the overall aim of committing the Gukurahundi Genocide was: To muster the capacity building of Zimbabwe in order to devastate the sovereignty of Mthwakazi and help Zimbabwe to build itself as a nation, by forcefully absorbing Mthwakazi, so that Zimbabwe can win the legendary tribal contest of superiority over Mthwakazi, and Britain can conceal all the information which reveal that Britain conquered Mthwakazi, exterminated its people, dispossessed them of their land, permanently displaced them, looted their cattle, subjected them into forced and cheap labour thereby permanently impoverishing Mthwakazi. To the people of Mthwakazi, the road to freedom, decolonization and self-determination remains slippery and the objects elusive.[13]
References
1. ^ Brief History of Mthwakazi (English). Retrieved 2012-08-09.
2. ^ Mthwakazi Foundation Inc. Retrieved 2012-08-09.
3. ^ Official Yearbook of the Colony of Southern Rhodesia, 1924
4. ^ Siwela, Paul. "Background of Matabeleland (Mthwakazi)". MLO. Retrieved 11 March 2014.
5. ^ Umhlahlo wesizwe, sikaMthwakazi. "The Atlas of Mthwakazi". Mthwakazi.info. Retrieved 11 March 2014.
6. ^ Alpers, Edward A. (April 1970). "Dynasties of the Mutapa-Rozwi Complex". The Journal of African History (Cambridge University Press) 11 (02): 203–220. doi:10.1017/S0021853700009944.
7. ^ a b Mthwakazi, Mthwakazi. "The Draft Constitution of Mthwakazi". Draft Constitution. Mthwakazi Union. Retrieved 11 March 2014.
8. ^ Bulawayo1872. "History profile of Mzilikazi: King of Matabele". Retrieved 18 March 2014.
9. ^ Website, Mthwakazi Info. "History of Mthwakazi". Retrieved 18 March 2014.
10. ^ a b c Britannica, Encyclopedia. "Lobengula". Britannica. Retrieved 24 March 2014.
11. ^ a b Mthwakazi, Info. "Human Rights Violations In Mthwakazi". Retrieved 24 March 2014.
12. ^ African, History. "Gukurahundi". Retrieved 24 March 2014.
13. ^ Gatsheni-Ndlovu, Sabelo (2013). Coloniality of Power in Postcolonial Africa. Myths of Decolonization. Dakar, Senegal: CODESRIA. pp. 222–223. ISBN 978-2-86978-578-6
Monday, 1 September 2014
Mthwakazi does not need sympathy from Zimbabweans
The recently published article by the little known leader of a Zimbabwean emerging opposition party by the name of Marcellina Chikasha of African Democratic Party (ADP), cannot go unchallenged.
We cannot keep quite when our killers are making fun of our dead relatives. No! We will not clap hands when the children of those responsible for our poverty pour scorn on us.
No! Never! We will not pretend that it was only Robert who was responsible for the cold blood genocide that left more than half a million of our people dead, raped, without homes and scattered across the length and width of this God given world.
We know vividly well that when Mugabe killed our sisters, mothers and our babies ,he did it in the name of and on behalf of every Shona. If not why did not even a single of the Shona people not voice till this day?
Chikasha must know and be warned that no sympathy from any Shona will make our pain any better. Instead any of such increases these after effects in us.
She also has to know now and NEVER forget that when time to punish them eventually comes no Shona will be spared with the excuse that they felt any pity for us.
Those are merely crocodile tears and all of us in Mthwakazi are fed up of such kind of behaviour.
The only positive contributions all Shonas can do to avert what Mthwakazi might do is to put pressure on their Godfather Mugabe and impress on him that it is the only way out, is to let go of our country and set Mthwakazi free with boundaries along the Jameson line as requested by MLF on behalf all who live in Mthwakazi.
Why is this woman only concerned about the dead? Why not talk about the living who are unemployed, who are marginalsed, who are deprived of their hard earned cash that is milked from them dailly on Zimbabwean roadblocks? Why not complain about the ALL SHONA police service in Mthwakazi, the deployment of these Shona teachers in our schools and all the general ills done to us by all the Shonas? We know that all Shonas benefit from our suppression and denigration one way or the other? We cannot, but strongly warn such Shona imbecile politicians that they will all go the Morgan Tsvangirai way.
Shonas stay with your Mugabe and do not curse the man who made you who you are.. We do not need any sympathy from any Shona.
by David Magagula
uSikhosana uthi aliqunywe Mthwakazi
Tuesday, 26 August 2014
Mthwakazi water activist dies
Bulawayo water activists Arnold Payne has died.
He was 75.
Born in Mtshabezi area in Gwanda district in 1938, Payne had been involved in water activism all his life.
Payne, an enduring thorn on the side of government, the local authority and all those that he viewed as being blind to the problem, pushed a wheel burrow all the way from Victoria Falls to Bulawayo to highlight the problem.
In 1992, Payne pushed a wheelbarrow carrying 210l of water from the Zambezi River to Bulawayo and then Gwanda. He emptied the drum and then continued his journey with the wheelbarrow to the House of Parliament in Harare. Payne's plates, cups, clothing and vehicle are inscribed with the words "Zambezi Water for Matabeleland."
It was a symbolic gesture to raise the urgency of the crisis to the authorities to speed up the implementation of the Matabeleland Zambezi Water Project which seeks to draw water from the mighty Zambezi to Bulawayo.
Payne had a vision for Matabeleland that it would be transformed by the channeling of water from the Zambezi River.
In 1992, Payne claimed that he sourced funds from donors in Holland for the Zambezi Water Project but the donors withheld the funding after the government insisted the funds be channelled through the treasury.
In 1992, Payne formed Operation Desperation Trust with the aim of raising funds for the Zambezi Water Project. Some of the trustees included Pius Ncube, David Coltart and Israel Ndlovu.
Bulawayo continues to face a water crisis, which has seen the Bulawayo City Council embarking on water rationing. The Zambezi water project was first mooted in 1912 but serious efforts to implement the project started in 1998 when the Dumiso Dabengwa-led Matabeleland Zambezi Water Trust was formed.
I am a child of Matebeleland
I am Matabeleland, l am a child of Matabeleland, yes l'm the grandchild of a great warrior uMzilikazi yet l have no home. I belong to Matabeleland the land of my forefathers yet l live in an orphanage. Matabeleland my beloved were u cursed that u can't provide for your citizens to work and live in you? They killed my parents and called it a moment of madness, my question is who was mad? Why was he mad? Lowo owayehlanya kungani wahlanyela eMatebeleland? For a long time l have been refused to express myself, a situation of whenever l raise my concerns l am called a tribalist, who is being tribal when they refuse to speak my language in my hometown? I am a child of Matebeleland, yes where there is the University of Science and Technology but l was refused entry, l was told that l don't have science yet we have no science labs in our schools, they go on to tell me that l am not educated. I am a child of Matabeleland who was refused a scholarship because my father is not a war hero yet my parents used to attended those rallies at Stanley Square, the world watches while l weep for my beloved Matebeleland. Is it a crime to be born Kalanga? is it a crime to be born Ndebele? is it a crime to be born Tonga? Is it a crime to be born Venda? Is it a crime to be born Suthu? I say peace they say sies, l say democracy they say l am a demon l will crazy, l say freedom they say l am doom. The decisions they make for my beloved Matabeleland become diseases, they come with their polluted tricks and call them politics, l continue succumbing to the ravages of tribalism, l am hated for who l am, l am Matabeleland, l want peace not gifts..........
By prophetic poet Mengezi Mpofu
Monday, 18 August 2014
Gukurahundi massacre victims remembered in South Africa
ZIMBABWEANS in South Africa last Saturday remembered the victims of the 1980s Gukurahundi massacres in Matabeleland and
the Midlands provinces.The commemoration was organised by a Johannesburg-based civil society group, the Gukurahundi Genocide Survivors for Justice.
The civil group 's founder, Magugu Khumalo, said they will not rest until perpetrators of the killings were brought to justice. Magugu said they will soon approach the United Nations Security Council to seek justice for the victims. She said they first approached the International Criminal Court but were told the
court only dealt with human rights abuses that happened after 2000. They were advised to approach the UN Security Council, she said.
"We will be approaching the Security Council to ensure the Gukurahundi perpetrators are punished. We also want the victims to be compensated.
Remember Gukurahundi was classified as genocide in 2010, " she said. About 20 000 ethnic Ndebeles were killed in Matabeleland and the Midlands provinces in the early 1980s when President Robert Mugabe unleashed a crack North Korea- trained military unit to crush a rebellion by former Zipra combatants. A report by the Catholic Commission for Peace and Justice said some of the victims were buried alive while some pregnant women had their wombs slashed open. Speaking at the burial of former Zapu leader Joshua Nkomo, in July 1999, Mugabe described the killings as a "moment of madness".
The killings have remained a major point of grievance for the Ndebeles who have view the massacres as a form of genocide.
Khumalo said they want Mugabe and Perence Shiri who was in charge of the army's Fifth Brigade at the time of the campaign indicted for the Gukurahundi
crimes. She said it was also important that children whose parents were killed be assisted to get proper identification documents.
Khumalo said it was critical to deal with this matter expeditiously before the perpetrators die off the world stage adding that the journey would be long but justice would be delivered at the end . She added that, the fact some Nazi war criminals were still being pursued almost 70 years after the end of the Second World War gave them hope that their efforts will not be in vain.
Mbuso Fuzwayo, the secretary general of Ibhetshu Likazulu civic group , said the government was always frustrating their efforts to hold the commemorations in Zimbabwe. "It's a pity that there are some people who ran away to South Africa during that era and their parents and relatives have passed on without seeing them. Mugabe wants to destroy evidence of Gukurahundi as you can see that some of the witnesses are dying," he said.
He said some of the Gukurahundi victims were orphaned with no one to pay for their education adding there is need to break the cycle of poverty in such families by paying fees for the education of their children. Bonaventure Kageruka from the Community of Rwanda Genocide Survivors in South Africa
encouraged Zimbabweans to pursue the Gukurahundi issue to its logical conclusion.
"Do not be silenced, tell the world what happened and seek justice. As victims you carry a burden in your heart of wanting to know where your relatives are buried. I am with you in this sad moment and one day justice shall prevail," he said.
Mugabe and his thugs may try to intimidate us but justice will prevail one of these days Mthwakazi.......
